Liberty Times (LT): What challenges is the DPP facing? How does your role differ from that of previous party chairs?
Cho Jung-tai (卓榮泰): My term ends on May 19 next year. When it comes to the party, the “people problem” is the most difficult to solve. I need to fulfill a job and mission that have no bounds within a limited time. I need to act fast and race against time.
Views among the Taiwanese public differ widely. Many issues see people express highly polarized opinions on social media. For example: Should former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) be pardoned or jailed? Should the DPP partner with Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) or avoid interaction?
Photo: Huang Yao-cheng, Taipei Times
Taipei deputy mayor Chen Chin-jun (陳景峻) of the DPP campaigned for Ko in the run-up to the local elections on Nov. 24 last year. Should he be punished?
On any issue there are strong, polarized views. There is no middle ground, yet we have to find a feasible path out of the division. That is a formidable obstacle the DPP has to confront.
LT: What is the DPP’s strategy for next year’s elections, and how will it deal with potential challenges presented by the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) hold on local governments and electoral interference by China?
Cho: We have to face these issues whenever we formulate policy. After the local elections, everyone was of the mindset that the DPP had lost. After the KMT won so many municipalities, it brought up the “1992 consensus,” believing that the public had approved of it.
However, in his speech on the 40th anniversary of Beijing’s “Message to Compatriots in Taiwan,” Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) reduced the “1992 consensus” to its true essence [as a means to seek unification]. I will tell you my thoughts on the “1992 consensus.”
We do not accept the “1992 consensus” — it does not exist. There is no room for doubt, so we need to address how to address the problems that it creates from a perspective that prioritizes Taiwan and most benefits the nation.
The election results in no way mean that Taiwanese want to sacrifice the nation’s sovereignty, democracy and freedoms in exchange for economic benefit. I believe Taiwan is sovereign and strong.
However, with the outcome in mind, we cannot simply focus 100 percent on politics and neglect the economy. The DPP must find a balance. Improving the economy is of prime importance.
If the government does these things, it will win the public’s trust. If it does not, people will look for help from the outside, which could turn external forces into an invading power.
LT: How will the DPP interact with Ko from now on? If Ko and his allies were to compete against the DPP next year, how would the party respond?
Cho: Whoever wants to run has the right to do so. We will try to at least ensure that the energy of those who hold similar values is not dispersed. We hold the central government and do not have any bargaining space. We must secure the hold of local forces on the central government and our advantage in the legislature.
Only if we secure political power and the legislature would we have the right and ability to promote Taiwan’s progressive values. Maintaining the hold of pro-localization forces on the central government is of paramount importance.
Many people say that the DPP should not continue flirting with Ko, while others say it must embrace Ko. I believe that anything, including collaboration between the national government and municipalities, is up for discussion, as long as it does not impede the country’s overall goals.
Of course the election will involve competition. If the other side expresses different views about a topic that would affect the nation’s overall target, then there is no need to talk about working together.
Ko also needs to clarify his cross-strait policy. Beside city-to-city exchanges, municipal governments should not involve themselves in cross-strait relations if their views are at odds with national policy. We encourage cross-strait city exchanges, but they cannot affect the country’s overall interests.
I hope that our supporters will understand if we interact with Ko based on these principles. We will not betray our core values. Rather, we even want to increase the central government’s influence over, or at least limit the scope of municipal governments’ cross-strait exchanges to protect the national interest.
We hope that everyone could support this kind of cooperation, but supporters should also not demand that we work with Ko in more ways than we think necessary.
LT: How does the DPP plan to nominate a presidential candidate and how do you feel about internal opposition to President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) running for re-election?
Cho: After legislative by-elections on March 16 we will begin selecting candidates — first the presidential nominee and then candidate-lawmakers — but until then, there are many things to be done.
For the by-elections, we will set up one campaign headquarters for Taipei and New Taipei City, one for Taichung and Changhua, and one for Tainan. That will allow us to handle campaigning, as well as local issues.
The focus of each constituency’s campaign headquarters will carry over to the presidential elections and when the time comes, the major “theaters of operation” will combine their efforts in an “allied front.”
The DPP will determine its campaign strategy through cross-departmental discussions and a close examination of policies. We will aim for a plan of action that represents a broad consensus, and takes into account the political views and demands of the public.
We are calling on the public to support us. We will have strong, capable people directing campaign efforts in each constituency. When the time comes to unite the campaign efforts, resources will be shared among all DPP legislative candidates. That will allow them to fight together and combine their “firepower.”
If we have a good campaign message and a capable person to coordinate efforts across all constituencies, no individual legislative candidate should feel left to their own devices and the result should be different from that in the local elections.
Any presidential candidate will have to pass through the party’s nomination mechanism.
It is inevitable that Tsai will seek re-election, but any party member who is sufficiently experienced, has paid their membership fee and is aged 40 or older can seek candidacy.
Whoever is the strongest will win the nomination. My job is simply to ensure that the nomination process is fair.
Translated by staff writers Sherry Hsiao and William Hetherington
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