Mari Yasuda has come to dread checking her social media accounts. While a TV program has tipped the candidate as “one to watch” in Japan’s general election this month, her anonymous correspondents make no secret of their belief that, as a woman, she should not be standing for parliament at all.
“They accuse me of sleeping with powerful men to get ahead or make abusive comments in calls to our office,” says Yasuda, who is contesting a seat in Hyogo prefecture for the opposition Constitutional Democratic party of Japan. “I receive e-mails from men remarking on my appearance or asking me for a date.”
Sexual harassment is becoming a fact of life for women who run for office in Japan, where female participation in politics is already among the lowest in the world. Despite the recent emergence of diversity and gender as topics of public debate — and signs that voters are more progressive than many of their representatives — the country’s politics have been immune to change, according to Yasuda.
Photo: EPA-EFE
“There are lots of areas of Japanese life in which women are underrepresented and feel unable to express themselves, but it’s particularly prevalent in politics,” she says.
Despite repeated vows by the previous prime minister, Shinzo Abe, during his nine years in office to create a society “in which women shine,” the lower house election on Oct. 31 will add to fears that, in the political sphere, the glass ceiling has only been reinforced.
While the governing Liberal Democratic party (LDP) is widely expected to win — albeit with a reduced majority — the powerful chamber will again be dominated by men.
Photo: EPA-EFE
Of the 1,051 candidates, just 186 — or less than 18 percent — are women, despite the introduction in 2018 of a gender equality law encouraging parties to select similar numbers of male and female candidates. That is slightly fewer than at the previous election in 2017.
“It is almost as if men become MPs by birthright,” says Yasuda, who once campaigned alone but is now accompanied by two colleagues. “If ordinary people felt politics was more relevant to their daily lives, then it would be natural for more women to get elected. But most people feel distant from politicians, as if politics is something for ‘special’ people … in Japan’s case, middle-aged and older men.”
Yoshiko Maeda, a councilor in western Tokyo since 2015, says sexism is not confined to social media. As a member of Japan’s Alliance of Feminist Representatives, Maeda says she has received reports from female politicians across Japan who experience harassment from male colleagues, ranging from heckling during debates to sustained pressure on them to resign. “It is bullying, pure and simple,” she says.
Local councils with just one or a handful of female representatives can be particularly intimidating, says Maeda, who received a stream of online abuse when the alliance called for the removal of a “sexualized” virtual mascot that had been enlisted to promote bicycle safety among schoolchildren in a town near Tokyo.
The atmosphere in council chambers, and well-documented accounts of sexual harassment targeting female politicians and candidates almost certainly puts other women off running for office, she says, although she is quick to point out that she has not encountered gender-based insults in the town she represents.
“Even those who want to get involved in politics often abandon the idea because of opposition from members of their family. There are still so many obstacles to women becoming politicians.”
Earlier this year, the cabinet office revealed that female politicians and candidates encounter “rampant” sexual harassment, including inappropriate touching and verbal advances by male voters. Of the 1,247 female local assembly members surveyed, 57.6 percent said they had been sexually harassed by voters, supporters or other assembly members. Many said they had been targeted with sexually explicit language or gender-based insults.
Harassment aside, the low number of female candidates running in this month’s election is proof that Japan has failed to address structural impediments to getting more women elected to parliament, according to Mari Miura, a professor of political science at Sophia University in Tokyo.
“Incumbent MPs are at a huge advantage in Japanese elections, so as long as the LDP remains by far the biggest party there will be very little change in the makeup of MPs,” Miura says. “That only happens when an opposition party wins.”
The LDP, which is fielding 33 women among 336 candidates in the 31 October election, has not lost a lower house election since 2009 and has governed almost uninterrupted since the 1950s. The result is a chamber packed with men, many of whom, including the current prime minister, Fumio Kishida, are second- or third-generation politicians.
“If an incumbent puts their hand up, they can get priority to become a candidate in the next election,” Seiko Noda, the minister for gender equality, said recently. “Current posts are overwhelmingly filled by men, and the party didn’t go as far as pushing them away to make way for women.”
Japan fairs poorly in international comparisons of female representation, ranking 165th out of 190 countries, with women comprising just 9.9 percent of lower house MPs, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union. The picture is no different in local politics: just over 30 percent of town and village assemblies have no female representatives, according to 2019 figures.
“In many cases the only way women can win the endorsement of a major party is to go over the heads of the prefectural parties that are in charge of the selection process and use personal networks to appeal to powerful men in the party,” Miura says. “Japan should introduce quotas for female candidates and remove the structural barriers to standing for office. Unless it does that, I can’t see any prospects for change in the near future.”
Kishida, who has promised to redistribute wealth to Japan’s struggling middle class, appointed just three women to his 20-member cabinet and opposes calls to allow married couples to use separate surnames and to legalise same-sex marriages.
“Japanese society is changing,” Miura says, citing growing awareness among younger people of issues such as the climate emergency and gender inequality. “But Japanese politics has stayed exactly the same.”
Last week the State Department made several small changes to its Web information on Taiwan. First, it removed a statement saying that the US “does not support Taiwan independence.” The current statement now reads: “We oppose any unilateral changes to the status quo from either side. We expect cross-strait differences to be resolved by peaceful means, free from coercion, in a manner acceptable to the people on both sides of the Strait.” In 2022 the administration of Joe Biden also removed that verbiage, but after a month of pressure from the People’s Republic of China (PRC), reinstated it. The American
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislative caucus convener Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) and some in the deep blue camp seem determined to ensure many of the recall campaigns against their lawmakers succeed. Widely known as the “King of Hualien,” Fu also appears to have become the king of the KMT. In theory, Legislative Speaker Han Kuo-yu (韓國瑜) outranks him, but Han is supposed to be even-handed in negotiations between party caucuses — the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) says he is not — and Fu has been outright ignoring Han. Party Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) isn’t taking the lead on anything while Fu
There is a Chinese Communist Party (CCP) plot to put millions at the mercy of the CCP using just released AI technology. This isn’t being overly dramatic. The speed at which AI is improving is exponential as AI improves itself, and we are unprepared for this because we have never experienced anything like this before. For example, a few months ago music videos made on home computers began appearing with AI-generated people and scenes in them that were pretty impressive, but the people would sprout extra arms and fingers, food would inexplicably fly off plates into mouths and text on
Feb 24 to March 2 It’s said that the entire nation came to a standstill every time The Scholar Swordsman (雲州大儒俠) appeared on television. Children skipped school, farmers left the fields and workers went home to watch their hero Shih Yen-wen (史艷文) rid the world of evil in the 30-minute daily glove puppetry show. Even those who didn’t speak Hoklo (commonly known as Taiwanese) were hooked. Running from March 2, 1970 until the government banned it in 1974, the show made Shih a household name and breathed new life into the faltering traditional puppetry industry. It wasn’t the first