After 22 years of power grabs, the seizure of all state institutions and severe oppression aimed at reshaping Turkish citizens into Islamofascist minions, Turkey is striking back against Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s authoritarianism. In cities across the country, including the regime’s strongholds, protests have been ongoing for the past week.
Istanbul mayor Ekrem Imamoglu’s detention on bogus corruption charges galvanized the people; within days, the protests evolved into something bigger — a national riot demanding democracy, dignity and freedom. The protests reminded many of the Gezi uprising of 2013, yet this time the young people who we thought had lost all hope for the future under Erdogan and during the severe economic crisis took to the streets, risking limitless police violence by attending public gatherings which are now banned.
One of the slogans adorning placards encapsulated the sentiment perfectly: “If we burn, you’ll burn with us.” While the protests were rife with political humor, everyone knows that what is happening is no joke: The country stands at a political point of no return. The die is cast. Either Erdogan will retreat, or else. What that “else” could possibly be is a daunting prospect. Yet the people’s determination to break the wall of fear is unprecedented, and this time, unlike during the Gezi uprising, the main opposition party is “hosting” the political action — or at least trying to.
Imamoglu is not only the mayor of the largest city in Turkey but also, with his widespread popularity, Erdogan’s only credible political rival. Right before his detention on dubious claims made by the regime — financial corruption, being a leader of a criminal organization and collaborating with terrorist organizations — Imamoglu was about to announce his candidacy for the next presidential elections.
Several opinion polls indicated his support would probably surpass Erdogan’s in that election, due to be held in 2028. Sources close to Erdogan said the plan was to arrest and discredit Imamoglu and to appoint a government trustee to the main opposition party. That has been Erdogan’s modus operandi for years. Several mayors from opposition parties — social democrats and the Kurdish party — have been taken into custody, and Imamoglu’s arrest was anticipated. In his last video before his detention, while getting dressed, Imamoglu calmly said that he would “stand resolute” for the people of Turkey.
Taking his words as a call to action, hundreds of thousands have filled the city’s squares since the first night. The main opposition party, on witnessing the scale of the protests, transformed its primaries for presidential candidacy into a mass political action, inviting all citizens to cast their votes in support of Imamoglu to demonstrate to the regime that support for him extends far beyond party politics. Close to 15 million people voted for Imamoglu, securing his position as the official opposition candidate.
The particularities of that story might be confusing. The boundlessness of the lies and tricks employed by an authoritarian leader can be hard to follow. However, what is happening in Turkey has important lessons for democracies around the world.
Over the past decade, as we have seen in several European countries and the US, holding the line by lining up with centrist political parties has not been effective, and Occupy-style street politics, inspiring though they might be, do not adequately counter the rising tide of fascism. “Try again, fail again” strategies have been exhausted in recent years, the most recent example being the US. Clearly, the conventional political parties — the Democrats in the US and social democrats in Europe — have failed to harness the political and moral outrage of the masses, which leaders such as Erdogan or US President Donald Trump induce. The political energy flowing from street politics is too unpredictable to be embraced by conventional political parties — and the masses, with their youthful enthusiasm, are hesitant to align themselves with worn-out political institutions. So what is the solution?
The old-school progressive opposition parties resemble shipwrecks — they are decaying structures. They have lost all that was vital in them over the past five decades after aligning with the neoliberal hegemony, which severed its organic ties to the progressive sectors of society. They are highly bureaucratized and, as a result, paralyzed giants unable to keep up with the agility of the new far right. What is occurring in Turkey right now is youthful energy schooling and shoaling around this shipwreck, breathing life into it by transforming the wreck into a reef. For days now, youth leaders have been delivering speeches at significant party meetings, continually negotiating the guidelines for collaborative action. Whenever possible, they ensure that their outrage extends beyond Imamoglu’s arrest. Their presence irrevocably alters the spirit of the political movement and drives the social democratic party forward toward life. Throughout this process, the young learn to navigate the slow-moving giant while the giant adapts to become nimble and brave enough to counter the ruthless tactics of the regime.
Not only for Turkey, but also soon for Europe and beyond, the central question of saving democracy from the rise of authoritarianism would be this: Will the youthful energy of the masses be allowed into the wreckage to transform it into a living organism? One that is robust enough to challenge the historical tide bending toward authoritarianism? Turkey, in the days to come, would be answering this question.
Ece Temelkuran is a Turkish journalist and political commentator, and author of How to Lose a Country: The 7 Steps from Democracy to Dictatorship.
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