Recent media reports have highlighted a critical national security case that concluded last year, revealing retired Taiwanese military personnel recruited by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) were tasked with gathering intelligence on key military installations and the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT), and, alarmingly, were implicated in a plot to establish an armed assassination unit.
That case represents an unprecedented escalation in the PRC’s infiltration tactics. The PRC’s evolving strategies, from manipulating internal narratives and employing “gray zone” tactics, to planning assassinations, underscore its intent to destabilize Taiwan’s institutional and societal frameworks. That progression reflects a deliberate and systematic approach to undermining Taiwan’s sovereignty and disrupting its social fabric. The involvement of retired military officers suggests potential contraventions of Criminal Code provisions on sedition and treason.
The scope of the intelligence-gathering activities not only threatens Taiwan’s national security, but also endangers the security of international entities such as the AIT. Those have profound implications for Taiwan’s diplomatic relations, undermining the confidence of allied nations and the international community. They also challenge the stability of global support for Taiwan, a cornerstone of its defense against authoritarian aggression.
To mitigate the growing risks associated with PRC recruitment efforts, Taiwan has adopted a multi-faceted approach that includes penalty reforms, judicial training, and the enhancement of information security protocols.
Amendments to the National Security Act (國家安全法) have been introduced to enhance punitive measures for individuals found guilty of betraying the nation. Those include the suspension of retirement benefits immediately upon a guilty verdict at the first trial, thus preempting continued engagement in activities detrimental to national security during the judicial process.
The 2019 amendments to the Criminal Code, specifically Article 115-1, address cases of collaboration with the PRC regime, further reinforcing the legal framework to counter external threats.
Additional articles added to the National Security Act (國家安全法), the National Intelligence Service Act (國家情報工作法), the Anti-Infiltration Act (反滲透法), and the Classified National Security Information Protection Act (國家機密保護法) mandate specialized training for judges presiding over national security cases. Those programs are designed to ensure judicial proficiency in addressing complex national security challenges and to align judicial decisionmaking with national security imperatives.
Data compiled by the Institute for National Defense and Security Research showed stark disparities in sentencing for military espionage cases. The average sentence for convicted military spies in Taiwan is 18 months, compared with 230 months in Western democracies. That leniency is further evident in broader national security cases, where offenders often receive sentences of just six months’ imprisonment, with many permitted to substitute fines for custodial terms.
Such judicial rulings significantly undermine deterrence, diminishing the effectiveness of legal reforms and sentencing enhancements. They emphasize the urgent need for a more comprehensive understanding of national security complexities within the judicial system to ensure proportionate sentencing and robust deterrence against acts that threaten national sovereignty and security.
Taiwan’s mechanisms for managing classified information remain insufficiently robust, as evidenced by recurrent incidents of sensitive information leaks involving high-level officials. Therefore, to address these vulnerabilities, the development of a comprehensive security clearance protocol is essential.
That protocol involves periodic assessments of personnel with access to classified information, encompassing evaluations of criminal and drug records, mental health, financial stability and potential susceptibility to foreign influence.
The integration of the “need-to-know” principle within this framework aims to enhance operational security while expediting the identification and dismantling of criminal networks in the event of security breaches.
Military personnel serve as the foundation of national security, bearing the trust and expectations of Taiwanese. Their failure to fulfill that duty not only constitutes a moral and ethical breach, but also inflicts significant harm on societal values and national interests.
The ruling party, the Democratic Progressive Party, remains resolute in its commitment to safeguarding national security, addressing treasonous acts with uncompromising rigor and fortifying the structural resilience of Taiwan’s institutions against external threats.
Chen Kuan-ting is a member of the Foreign and National Defense Committee of the Legislative Yuan. He was previously special assistant to former president Tsai Ing-wen, chief executive officer of the Taiwan NextGen Foundation and a researcher in the National Security Council. Gahon Chiang is a congressional staff member in the office of Legislator Chen Kuan-ting, focusing on Taiwan’s foreign policy.
Why is Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) not a “happy camper” these days regarding Taiwan? Taiwanese have not become more “CCP friendly” in response to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) use of spies and graft by the United Front Work Department, intimidation conducted by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Armed Police/Coast Guard, and endless subversive political warfare measures, including cyber-attacks, economic coercion, and diplomatic isolation. The percentage of Taiwanese that prefer the status quo or prefer moving towards independence continues to rise — 76 percent as of December last year. According to National Chengchi University (NCCU) polling, the Taiwanese
It would be absurd to claim to see a silver lining behind every US President Donald Trump cloud. Those clouds are too many, too dark and too dangerous. All the same, viewed from a domestic political perspective, there is a clear emerging UK upside to Trump’s efforts at crashing the post-Cold War order. It might even get a boost from Thursday’s Washington visit by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer. In July last year, when Starmer became prime minister, the Labour Party was rigidly on the defensive about Europe. Brexit was seen as an electorally unstable issue for a party whose priority
US President Donald Trump is systematically dismantling the network of multilateral institutions, organizations and agreements that have helped prevent a third world war for more than 70 years. Yet many governments are twisting themselves into knots trying to downplay his actions, insisting that things are not as they seem and that even if they are, confronting the menace in the White House simply is not an option. Disagreement must be carefully disguised to avoid provoking his wrath. For the British political establishment, the convenient excuse is the need to preserve the UK’s “special relationship” with the US. Following their White House
US President Donald Trump’s return to the White House has brought renewed scrutiny to the Taiwan-US semiconductor relationship with his claim that Taiwan “stole” the US chip business and threats of 100 percent tariffs on foreign-made processors. For Taiwanese and industry leaders, understanding those developments in their full context is crucial while maintaining a clear vision of Taiwan’s role in the global technology ecosystem. The assertion that Taiwan “stole” the US’ semiconductor industry fundamentally misunderstands the evolution of global technology manufacturing. Over the past four decades, Taiwan’s semiconductor industry, led by Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC), has grown through legitimate means