Former president Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) in recent days was the focus of the media due to his role in arranging a Chinese “student” group to visit Taiwan. While his team defends the visit as friendly, civilized and apolitical, the general impression is that it was a political stunt orchestrated as part of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) propaganda, as its members were mainly young communists or university graduates who speak of a future of a unified country.
While Ma lived in Taiwan almost his entire life — except during his early childhood in Hong Kong and student years in the US — like many Mainlander migrants of his generation, he retains a political obsession with a great China.
Despite studying in the US, Ma fails to understand the difference between democracy and dictatorship, and can hardly be a staunch defender of Taiwan’s democracy. Moreover, his lack of apprehension of the tragic history of China — a vicious cycle of a unified country ruled by tyrants and a chaotic society mired by infighting — made him relate more to the Chinese ruling class, instead of the common people. He could neither be a staunch defender of human rights, nor a freedom fighter for Chinese people.
Many academics in the US whose parents migrated with Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) from China to Taiwan share similar political traits. They tend to visit China to connect with the ruling class, enjoy VIP treatment as patriots of China and help report to the outside world the accomplishments of the CCP, despite the human rights contraventions, the mafia-style government administration, and the wicked handling of citizens’ lives and livelihoods.
Even when they visited China in the 1970s at the peak of the Cultural Revolution, they saw no evil, heard no evil and spoke no evil.
The sad truth is that the voices of Chinese students are suppressed. Even recreational activities in huge groups are prohibited. A few months ago, students from Zhengzhou University in Henan Province started holding so-called “Night Rides to Kaifeng,” with students from other universities also participating part. At its peak, more than 200,000 college students rode shared bicycles together. The fleet stretched for dozens of kilometers from Zhengzhou, forming a spectacular scene.
This sparked concern among authorities, who were afraid they might be precursors of protests such as the “blank paper” movement — which opposed the Chinese government’s COVID-19 policies — or worse, and clamped down on activities outside campus.
When a government does not hold the principle of justice for all, it easily treats its citizens as potential enemies. In fact, many killings of government officials have occurred at an alarming rate lately.
Goldman Sachs has estimated that China’s local government debt total more than 94 trillion yuan (US$12.9 trillion), or more than half the size of the economy. Recent reports indicated that more than 10 million college students cannot find a job and have experienced homelessness.
Democracy and freedom are the only path forward to revive the Chinese economy.
Former US president Franklin D. Roosevelt said: “We cannot always build the future for our youth, but we can build our youth for the future.”
Where there is no future for the youth, there is no future for the country.
Chinese students’ longing for freedom of the press and liberty to form opposition parties cannot be overstated. Meanwhile, Taiwanese students want to be free from China’s constant harassment and military threats. Peace, prosperity and progress are what Taiwanese students strive for.
Trust is the currency of international cooperation. Until China removes all its missile arsenal aimed at Taiwan, Ma’s marching on an agenda that would bring the same fate of Chinese students to Taiwanese students would only be totally rejected.
It was well said that: “There are two ways to be fooled. One is to believe what isn’t true; the other is to refuse to believe what is true.” For the sake of the youth — Chinese, Taiwanese or otherwise — Ma should be a staunch fighter for democracy and freedom, and switch to the right side of history.
James J. Y. Hsu is a retired professor of theoretical physics.
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
“I compare the Communist Party to my mother,” sings a student at a boarding school in a Tibetan region of China’s Qinghai province. “If faith has a color,” others at a different school sing, “it would surely be Chinese red.” In a major story for the New York Times this month, Chris Buckley wrote about the forced placement of hundreds of thousands of Tibetan children in boarding schools, where many suffer physical and psychological abuse. Separating these children from their families, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aims to substitute itself for their parents and for their religion. Buckley’s reporting is
Last week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), together holding more than half of the legislative seats, cut about NT$94 billion (US$2.85 billion) from the yearly budget. The cuts include 60 percent of the government’s advertising budget, 10 percent of administrative expenses, 3 percent of the military budget, and 60 percent of the international travel, overseas education and training allowances. In addition, the two parties have proposed freezing the budgets of many ministries and departments, including NT$1.8 billion from the Ministry of National Defense’s Indigenous Defense Submarine program — 90 percent of the program’s proposed