Since the end of former president Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) administration, the Ma Ying-jeou Foundation has taken Taiwanese students to visit China and invited Chinese students to Taiwan.
Ma calls those activities “cross-strait exchanges,” yet the trips completely avoid topics prohibited by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), such as democracy, freedom and human rights — all of which are universal values.
During the foundation’s most recent Chinese student tour group, a Fudan University student used terms such as “China, Taipei” and “the motherland” when discussing Taiwan’s recent baseball victory.
The group’s visit to Zhongshan Girls’ High School also received prominent coverage in Chinese state media, with some headlines saying, “Tang Seng entering the Silken Web Cave” (唐僧進盤絲洞), a literary reference to the novel Journey to the West (西遊記), a phrase which can be interpreted as misogynistic and objectifying.
Those incidents have sparked outrage in Taiwan, and the student group’s subsequent visits to National Taiwan University, Tamsui District (淡水) and National Tsing Hua University were met with loud protests from students and the public.
However, Ma and his foundation not only did not convey any dissatisfaction with the Chinese media’s use of humiliating language, but they also meekly accepted the belittling term “China, Taipei.”
Ma Ying-jeou Foundation director Hsiao Hsu-tsen (蕭旭岑) even said that “China, Taiwan” is acceptable.
Ma’s so-called “1992 consensus” is nothing but a tool to spread CCP propaganda such as “China, Taipei,” “China, Taiwan” and “China’s Taiwan Province.”
If he is referred to as anything other than the “former president of the Republic of China” abroad, Ma protests — yet, when it comes to Taiwan and China, he gladly accepts the CPP’s humiliation and belittlement. These “cross-strait exchanges” arranged by Ma and his foundation are nothing more than acts of surrender to the CCP.
Liu Shih-ming is an adjunct associate professor in the Graduate School of Taiwanese Culture at the National Taipei University of Education.
Translated by Kyra Gustavsen
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,