Numerous expert analyses characterize today’s US presidential election as a risk for Taiwan, given that the two major candidates, US Vice President Kamala Harris and former US president Donald Trump, are perceived to possess divergent foreign policy perspectives.
If Harris is elected, many presume that the US would maintain its existing relationship with Taiwan, as established through the American Institute in Taiwan, and would continue to sell Taiwan weapons and equipment to help it defend itself against China.
Under the administration of US President Joe Biden, whose political views Harris shares, the US on Oct. 25 authorized arms transfers to Taiwan, another in a series of sales this year. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs verified receipt of official notification from the US government concerning the US$1.988 billion sale of the National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile System and AN/TPS-77 and AN/TPS-78 radar turnkey systems.
Evidence suggests that the US support for Taiwan would continue under a Harris administration. However, concerns persist that if Trump returns to the White House for a second time, his “America First” slogan might lead the US to distance itself from Taiwan.
That apprehension was highlighted in a recent interview on The Joe Rogan Experience podcast, in which Trump asserted that Taiwan should finance US military protection and accused it of “stealing” US semiconductor business. His comments elicited fears that Taiwan could be perceived as an “expendable” asset in the US political strategy under Trump, and it appears to have aroused caution in Taiwan concerning the status of one of its vital allies.
The question is whether Washington would readily divert its attention from Taiwan, but that would never happen due to the US and Taiwan’s relationship of mutual dependence.
Taiwan ranks as the US’ 10th-largest trading partner. In 2020, the aggregate value of trade between the nations amounted to approximately US$90.9 billion. The US is also Taiwan’s second-largest commercial partner.
Taiwan is a significant buyer of military equipment from the US, consistently positioned among the top countries for US arms customers. In addition to last month’s approved sales, the Biden administration had earlier this year approved a total of US$963.2 million in defense and related equipment sales. Those sales affirm Taiwan’s status as a significant customer of the US defense sector.
If Trump wins the US presidential election, he would likely reconsider his remarks suggesting the US divert its focus from Taiwan to China. The reality is that the US is economically and militarily tied to Taiwan, and Washington would undoubtedly seek to retain one of its primary defense industry customers.
In addition to the favorable economic partnerships are the geopolitical factors. Communist ideology would never align with the US’ interests. Washington would find greater comfort in reinforcing Taiwan as part of its strategy to control communist ideology in East Asia. The US would invariably support Taiwan, regardless of who occupies the White House.
M. Syaprin Zahidi is a senior lecturer in the Department of International Relations at the University of Muhammadiyah Malang and is a doctoral student at Ghazali Shafie Graduate School of Government at the Universiti Utara Malaysia.
On Sept. 3 in Tiananmen Square, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) rolled out a parade of new weapons in PLA service that threaten Taiwan — some of that Taiwan is addressing with added and new military investments and some of which it cannot, having to rely on the initiative of allies like the United States. The CCP’s goal of replacing US leadership on the global stage was advanced by the military parade, but also by China hosting in Tianjin an August 31-Sept. 1 summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which since 2001 has specialized
In an article published by the Harvard Kennedy School, renowned historian of modern China Rana Mitter used a structured question-and-answer format to deepen the understanding of the relationship between Taiwan and China. Mitter highlights the differences between the repressive and authoritarian People’s Republic of China and the vibrant democracy that exists in Taiwan, saying that Taiwan and China “have had an interconnected relationship that has been both close and contentious at times.” However, his description of the history — before and after 1945 — contains significant flaws. First, he writes that “Taiwan was always broadly regarded by the imperial dynasties of
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) will stop at nothing to weaken Taiwan’s sovereignty, going as far as to create complete falsehoods. That the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has never ruled Taiwan is an objective fact. To refute this, Beijing has tried to assert “jurisdiction” over Taiwan, pointing to its military exercises around the nation as “proof.” That is an outright lie: If the PRC had jurisdiction over Taiwan, it could simply have issued decrees. Instead, it needs to perform a show of force around the nation to demonstrate its fantasy. Its actions prove the exact opposite of its assertions. A
A large part of the discourse about Taiwan as a sovereign, independent nation has centered on conventions of international law and international agreements between outside powers — such as between the US, UK, Russia, the Republic of China (ROC) and Japan at the end of World War II, and between the US and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) since recognition of the PRC as the sole representative of China at the UN. Internationally, the narrative on the PRC and Taiwan has changed considerably since the days of the first term of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) of the Democratic