At the 2021 UN Climate Conference in Glasgow, Scotland, 145 nations made a pledge to halt and reverse deforestation and land degradation by 2030. Almost three years later, the call for transformative action is ringing hollow.
Globally, 6.37 million hectares of forest were lost last year, and targets to reduce deforestation were missed in almost all tropical regions, according to the Forest Declaration Assessment. Even more forest — 62.6 million hectares — became degraded (meaning an area fell to a lower ecological integrity class) in 2022. Overall, the world is 45 percent off its deforestation targets, and, in a frustrating twist, forest-loss levels have risen above a 2018-2020 baseline since the pledge.
The core driver of deforestation is commodity production. Over the past two decades, 57 percent of permanent forest loss has been caused by the production of agricultural commodities, such as beef, soy and palm oil, with about 20 to 25 percent of that production being exported. Demand for these products has only increased. The EU and China were responsible for 40 percent of all deforestation embodied in the direct trade of agricultural commodities from 2020 to 2022.
Illustration: Mountain People
Meanwhile, mining and the production of viscose, a fabric made out of cellulose, are emerging threats. While there are sustainable intentions behind the rise in certain commodities — viscose has been marketed as eco-friendly, and the appetite for metals and rare earths is being partly driven by the energy transition — it is a reminder that consumption, green or not, would have impacts on carbon sinks and natural ecosystems. As I wrote last year, as much as 40 percent of viscose comes from sources likely to be linked to deforestation, but as my colleague David Fickling rightly points out, in Indonesia, where there has been a lot of focus on the threat of nickel mining, palm oil remains the biggest danger by far.
Efforts to eliminate deforestation from supply chains have largely been voluntary corporate commitments. While these pledges have steered the conversation and helped the development of traceable, it is clear that they are not enough to deliver results at a sufficient pace.
That is why policy experts and forest advocates alike have been pushing for demand-side regulation — essentially a ban on the import of deforestation-linked goods — in consumer countries for years.
Although great strides have been made toward this, nations now seem to be dragging their feet. Considering this latest report, it looks particularly egregious. Take, for example, the EU’s Deforestation Regulation (EUDR), which covers seven commodities: cattle, cocoa, coffee, oil palm, rubber, soya, and wood and their derivatives (glycerol, soybeans, leather etc.) Due to come into force on Dec. 30 for medium and large operators and traders, the new rules would require companies trading in those products to ensure the goods do not result from recent deforestation (including legal clearing), degradation, or breaches of local environmental and social laws.
Yet, in a shock twist at the start of this month, the European Commission adopted a proposal to delay the implementation of the EUDR for another 12 months, a week after saying it had no plans to do so. The postponement needs to be approved by the European Parliament to become official. Meanwhile, supermarkets have taken to urging the UK to press ahead with its own long-promised anti-deforestation law, saying holdups are causing market uncertainty and undermining retailers’ own efforts.
There are reasonable concerns about the effects of the regulation on smallholder farmers in forest nations who might be excluded from the global market if they lack the resources to comply. Any delay must be used productively to help build capacity in these areas and support national traceability systems, so that when rules are implemented, smallholders can reap the benefits. There is a risk that the deferral would instead be used to dilute the EUDR or ditch it altogether. That would be a mistake.
Import regulation would not solve everything. A study published in the journal Nature earlier this year found that the main economic driver for deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon is the domestic market, which is responsible for almost triple the deforestation generated by international demand. However, it would influence regulation and practices in producer countries, which should have positive knock-on effects for forest supply chains around the world, which is almost triple that of international demand.
Once primary forest is gone, it is gone forever, taking with it precious carbon stores and biodiversity havens. There is no time to waste in making good on what have so far been empty words.
Lara Williams is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering climate change. This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
“I compare the Communist Party to my mother,” sings a student at a boarding school in a Tibetan region of China’s Qinghai province. “If faith has a color,” others at a different school sing, “it would surely be Chinese red.” In a major story for the New York Times this month, Chris Buckley wrote about the forced placement of hundreds of thousands of Tibetan children in boarding schools, where many suffer physical and psychological abuse. Separating these children from their families, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aims to substitute itself for their parents and for their religion. Buckley’s reporting is
Last week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), together holding more than half of the legislative seats, cut about NT$94 billion (US$2.85 billion) from the yearly budget. The cuts include 60 percent of the government’s advertising budget, 10 percent of administrative expenses, 3 percent of the military budget, and 60 percent of the international travel, overseas education and training allowances. In addition, the two parties have proposed freezing the budgets of many ministries and departments, including NT$1.8 billion from the Ministry of National Defense’s Indigenous Defense Submarine program — 90 percent of the program’s proposed
RSS