One of the WHO’s most important jobs is managing viral outbreaks. The rapid spread of mpox, a disease related to smallpox, is a reminder of its shortcomings.
Although well-intended, the WHO’s overcautious and convoluted regulatory process stalled vaccine delivery for months before an approval was granted last month. Hundreds of lives were lost in the meantime, many of them children.
Mpox, previously called monkeypox, was first discovered in monkeys used for research in 1958. The virus began circulating among humans in western and central Africa more than a decade later. This year, more than 27,000 suspected cases and 800 deaths have been reported in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo). A serious outbreak in 2022, which began in Europe and spread to the US, largely subsided last year, although mpox never stopped circulating in the DR Congo.
A new, deadlier and more virulent version of mpox was discovered last year. Like past outbreaks, its symptoms are flu-like and include a rash that can develop into pustules or lesions that cover the body. When these excruciating sores erupt in the mouth and throat, eating can become difficult; some children have died of starvation as a result. Children under 15 make up two-thirds of cases and more than 80 percent of deaths in Africa.
A perfect storm of factors has accelerated the spread of mpox in the DR Congo. Ongoing political violence has displaced millions of people, who have crowded into camps where close contact is difficult to avoid and sex work is common.
Although mpox can spread via sexual contact, it is not considered a sexually transmitted disease.
The country is also battling cholera, malaria and measles.
Public health resources are understandably stretched. Yet the best means of fighting mpox — a safe and effective vaccine, approved by US and European regulators — has been available for years. Why did the WHO take so long to grant its approval and was its separate endorsement necessary?
Low and middle-income countries such as the DR Congo typically depend on UNICEF and global vaccine alliance Gavi to buy and distribute vaccines. Before doing so, the groups must have approval from the WHO, which can either “prequalify” the vaccines — by conducting its own data assessments, inspections and testing — or issue a so-called emergency use listing that would speed access to unlicensed products.
For two years, the WHO took neither path. Despite Congolese officials regularly sharing data with the WHO — and reports that Bavarian Nordic AS, the principal manufacturer, had submitted the research used for its European approval — the organization said it did not have the data required for prequalification.
Meanwhile, an emergency use listing could not be sought until an emergency had been formally declared, which did not happen until August.
Bavarian Nordic, for its part, was left in the dark about procurement commitments from Gavi, which awaited WHO authorization to begin purchase negotiations.
This nest of interdependent approvals would be maddening enough, even if the delays it caused were not so tragic.
The WHO’s instinct to review new data is to some extent understandable. Absent randomized clinical trials, it is hard to assess whether the vaccines approved in Europe and the US are effective against the version of the virus circulating in the DR Congo.
Moreover, giving an unauthorized vaccine to an otherwise healthy population, including children, can be risky. Yet as the virus spreads and the death toll mounts, the benefits of vaccination start to outweigh the potential costs — and the prospect of stalling to replicate lengthy regulatory processes becomes increasingly indefensible.
To its credit, the WHO has stepped up its response over the past month. Vaccine donations from rich countries have started to arrive and, with last month’s announcement, so, too, would purchases from Bavarian Nordic.
Yet the belated resolution must not obscure the need for a nimbler, more straightforward emergency approval process that allows for quick adoption of US and European standards without all the hoops. A similar process has been used successfully for years in Pepfar, the US government program to treat HIV, and should be expanded — if only for the next outbreak. More transparency with manufacturers and other stakeholders throughout the prequalification process would help, too.
The WHO has substantial responsibilities and it should not waste precious time duplicating efforts. By trusting its global partners, it can focus instead on saving lives.
The Editorial Board publishes the views of the editors across a range of national and global affairs.
Trying to force a partnership between Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC) and Intel Corp would be a wildly complex ordeal. Already, the reported request from the Trump administration for TSMC to take a controlling stake in Intel’s US factories is facing valid questions about feasibility from all sides. Washington would likely not support a foreign company operating Intel’s domestic factories, Reuters reported — just look at how that is going over in the steel sector. Meanwhile, many in Taiwan are concerned about the company being forced to transfer its bleeding-edge tech capabilities and give up its strategic advantage. This is especially
US President Donald Trump’s second administration has gotten off to a fast start with a blizzard of initiatives focused on domestic commitments made during his campaign. His tariff-based approach to re-ordering global trade in a manner more favorable to the United States appears to be in its infancy, but the significant scale and scope are undeniable. That said, while China looms largest on the list of national security challenges, to date we have heard little from the administration, bar the 10 percent tariffs directed at China, on specific priorities vis-a-vis China. The Congressional hearings for President Trump’s cabinet have, so far,
The US Department of State has removed the phrase “we do not support Taiwan independence” in its updated Taiwan-US relations fact sheet, which instead iterates that “we expect cross-strait differences to be resolved by peaceful means, free from coercion, in a manner acceptable to the people on both sides of the Strait.” This shows a tougher stance rejecting China’s false claims of sovereignty over Taiwan. Since switching formal diplomatic recognition from the Republic of China to the People’s Republic of China in 1979, the US government has continually indicated that it “does not support Taiwan independence.” The phrase was removed in 2022
US President Donald Trump, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth have each given their thoughts on Russia’s war with Ukraine. There are a few proponents of US skepticism in Taiwan taking advantage of developments to write articles claiming that the US would arbitrarily abandon Ukraine. The reality is that when one understands Trump’s negotiating habits, one sees that he brings up all variables of a situation prior to discussion, using broad negotiations to take charge. As for his ultimate goals and the aces up his sleeve, he wants to keep things vague for