Most Taiwanese were oppressed after the 228 Incident in the post-war period. Democracy advocate Peng Ming-min (彭明敏) in 1964 drafted A Declaration of Formosan Self-Salvation (台灣人民自救運動宣言) with his students Hsieh Tsung-min (謝聰敏) and Wei Ting-chao (魏廷朝).
The document called Chiang Kai-shek’s (蔣介石) dream of “retaking the mainland” unattainable, and advocated for “one Taiwan, one China,” a new constitution, joining the UN as Taiwan and creating a free nation. Peng was arrested over the manifesto and convicted of sedition.
The incident inspired many, but the democratic movement did not receive widespread support until the 1979 Kaohsiung Incident, also known as the Formosa Incident. Taiwan’s democratization process was filled with blood and tears.
The dangwai (黨外, “outside the party”) political movement during the 1970s and 1980s marked the transition from martial law and the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) authoritarian government toward a democratic political system.
When dangwai activists were giving speeches, it was not rare to see donations from the public. Monetary donations were often given by participants to express their encouragement.
Taiwan People’s Party Chairman Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) was a physician at National Taiwan University Hospital when he ran for Taipei mayor in 2014. He received widespread support from the public who saw him as a political outsider.
The public wished to gather momentum for social reform. They supported the Democratic Progressive Party and had much anticipation for the non-establishment camp. Ko probably felt the public’s enthusiasm when he received political donations from prominent people and professionals.
Ko had been supported by the public until he revealed his “areca catechu nature” during the FISU World University Games. He was green on the outside and red on the inside — appearing to be pro-independence, but was pro-China deep down.
Many of his staff left and turned their backs on him. Those who are now critical of him were once his supporters. They believe Ko has forgotten himself, absorbed in power struggles.
Ko has been detained due to his alleged involvement in several corruption cases. He has lost a lot of supporters and gained many detractors. The “white politics” he promoted has become a point of ridicule. Many who leaked his secrets were those who had once worked for him.
His personality is not compatible with public affairs. He is better suited to being a physician. His father was right in opposing him running for Taipei mayor. If he did what he was good at and remained in the emergency room, he would not have ended up like this.
His wife, who loves counting banknotes, lamented that her family has been “torn apart.” I would say they had their reputation swept away.
Ko has failed the Taiwanese who once had high expectations of him. His supporters expected social reform. How were they supposed to feel when they saw Ko escorted, handcuffed, to the detention center?
Who is to blame in all this? Are those surrounding him applauding for him? Or is it that he should be the one to bear the consequences?
Ko’s young supporters are innocent as they were kept in the dark. They would eventually wake up. Many of Ko’s former supporters have been there before. Politicians who want to harvest Ko’s political assets are shameless, changing sides and manipulating hatred. That is the darkness of power.
Ko’s biggest problem is not his scandals. The problem is the regression of Taiwan’s progress in democratization.
Lee Min-yung is a poet.
Translated by Fion Khan
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