President William Lai (賴清德) on Wednesday last week called for democratic nations to work together to meet the challenges posed by a revisionist China to international security. “China intends to change the rules-based international order,” he told the Ketagalan Forum in Taipei. “That is why democratic countries must come together and take concrete action.”
The annual security dialogue offers Taiwan an opportunity to bring top officials and policy experts to Taipei to discuss security issues, express solidarity and remind Beijing that Taiwan is not alone. It also allows Lai to speak directly to an international audience and assure the nation’s allies about Taiwan’s determination to uphold peace and security in the region, and demonstrate that under his administration, the nation is a reliable, like-minded partner.
Rhetorical signaling is a crucial component of any nation’s alliance maintenance, as narrating a foundation of shared norms, interests and vision of international organizations binds like-minded nations together in a common cause to uphold their vision of international order. Lai is carrying on the legacy of former president Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) in narrating Taiwan’s centrality in the democratic alliance to resist the expansion of autocracy.
However, on the domestic front, Lai’s narrative of what Taiwan is fighting for is subtly different, particularly when speaking to the military. His recent speeches show a leader shaping a narrative about homeland and identity — what Taiwan is, what the military is fighting for and why.
Although Taiwan democratized three decades ago, the by-effects of democratization — an elevation of Taiwanese consciousness and identification with Taiwan as the homeland — have developed unevenly, no place more so than in the military.
Democracy has brought meaningful reforms to the military — its allegiance is no longer first and foremost to the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), but to the nation, and it now answers to civilian command.
However, what the military thinks of itself in the context of democratization and concomitant Taiwanization is quite another matter. As an institution founded to “unify and rejuvenate China,” and which still reveres Chiang Kai-shek (蔣中正), an ambiguity lingers for it about what the nation is and who the enemy is. Lai is seeking to change that.
Speaking to soldiers in Kinmen County on Friday last week at an event on the 66th anniversary of the 823 Artillery Bombardment, Lai said: “We are no longer trying to ‘retake the mainland’ [China], but we are also unwilling to be ruled by the Chinese Communist Party. We want to continue a life of democracy, freedom, human rights and rule of law.”
Lai is also seeking to banish the defeatist mentality, common among conservative generals, that resistance to China is futile — a view not based on reality and in no small part influenced by an out-of-date emotional attachment to China.
“We cannot fail to distinguish between friends and foes, and should never accept a capitulationist attitude of ‘the first battle is the final battle,’” he told military cadets in June.
Strengthening Taiwan’s military identity and bringing it in closer alignment with the expectations of society is long overdue. A stronger identity would also bring greater clarity on military objectives and what service personnel are defending.
The process of democratization is still ongoing. For allies, it might seem that Taiwan is not reforming its defense as quickly as it could. However, military strategy is downstream of military identity, which would take time to reform.
Leaders are still navigating the legacy of 55 years of KMT one-party rule, but Lai’s recent speeches show a renewed focus on bringing the military in line with Taiwan’s political evolution.
As Taiwan’s domestic political crisis deepens, the opposition Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) have proposed gutting the country’s national spending, with steep cuts to the critical foreign and defense ministries. While the blue-white coalition alleges that it is merely responding to voters’ concerns about corruption and mismanagement, of which there certainly has been plenty under Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and KMT-led governments, the rationales for their proposed spending cuts lay bare the incoherent foreign policy of the KMT-led coalition. Introduced on the eve of US President Donald Trump’s inauguration, the KMT’s proposed budget is a terrible opening
To The Honorable Legislative Speaker Han Kuo-yu (韓國瑜): We would like to extend our sincerest regards to you for representing Taiwan at the inauguration of US President Donald Trump on Monday. The Taiwanese-American community was delighted to see that Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan speaker not only received an invitation to attend the event, but successfully made the trip to the US. We sincerely hope that you took this rare opportunity to share Taiwan’s achievements in freedom, democracy and economic development with delegations from other countries. In recent years, Taiwan’s economic growth and world-leading technology industry have been a source of pride for Taiwanese-Americans.
“I compare the Communist Party to my mother,” sings a student at a boarding school in a Tibetan region of China’s Qinghai province. “If faith has a color,” others at a different school sing, “it would surely be Chinese red.” In a major story for the New York Times this month, Chris Buckley wrote about the forced placement of hundreds of thousands of Tibetan children in boarding schools, where many suffer physical and psychological abuse. Separating these children from their families, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aims to substitute itself for their parents and for their religion. Buckley’s reporting is
Last week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), together holding more than half of the legislative seats, cut about NT$94 billion (US$2.85 billion) from the yearly budget. The cuts include 60 percent of the government’s advertising budget, 10 percent of administrative expenses, 3 percent of the military budget, and 60 percent of the international travel, overseas education and training allowances. In addition, the two parties have proposed freezing the budgets of many ministries and departments, including NT$1.8 billion from the Ministry of National Defense’s Indigenous Defense Submarine program — 90 percent of the program’s proposed