Red line rules abuse
The Ministry of Transportation and Communications on June 30 revised the temporary parking rules, where red line stopping is no longer a traffic offense if reported by civilians. Only police can issue tickets and fine drivers who contravene the temporary parking rules.
Since police officers cannot be everywhere all the time, there are drivers who abuse the revised red line rule at the expense of other law-abiding citizens. For example, in the area where I live, there are red line zones for the city recycling and garbage trucks to stop temporarily so that people can drop off their trash. However, we frequently see cars stopping there, even when the trucks arrive and need the space. Last night, there was a Porsche stopping at the red line zone, leaving a very small amount of space for the two trucks to park and for people to move around the trucks.
I approached the Porsche, knocked on the window and talked to the driver about the inconvenience that he had caused. He waved his hands impatiently and told me to make a report if I wished, knowing that my report did not have any legal effect. I could not help but wonder: If my photo of his parking offense could be a legal evidence, would the Porsche driver be more willing to respect other people’s rights and move his car?
Many drivers have complained about the fairness of the red line temporary parking rules. As a result, the ministry revised the rules to accommodate drivers’ needs. However, the revision also creates loopholes that allow drivers to ignore other people’s rights. The Porsche I encountered last night was one such example. The ministry might consider reactivating the public reporting policy to protect the rights of the public.
Tina Yu
Taipei
Do not justify corruption
Speaking about Hsinchu County Commissioner Yang Wen-ke (楊文科) and former Straits Exchange Foundation chairman Cheng Wen-tsan (鄭文燦), Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Legislator Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) said that Cheng was involved in corruption, but Yang was only involved in profiteering.
As for former Taipei mayor Ko Wen-je’s (柯文哲) involvement in the Core Pacific City Mall case, Ko, who is also chairman of the TPP, said that although it did involve seeking profit, he could not see anything illegal about it.
About the conviction for corruption of suspended Hsinchu City mayor Ann Kao (高虹安), who was until recently a member of the TPP, Ko said that Kao had committed a crime, but did not have any criminal intent.
When Ko’s wife, Peggy Chen (陳佩琪), set up a company, but had not yet used it to do any business, she said that there was criminal intent, but no criminal activity.
These fallacious arguments put forward by certain members of the TPP and Ko’s wife are reminiscent of how some corrupt officials in China try to justify their actions.
Let us consider three examples:
First is Cao Guifang (曹桂芳), former director of the Water Resources Bureau of Shizhong District in Leshan City and secretary of the local branch of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), who said that she did not realize that corruption was a serious crime until she was arrested for it.
Tan Xinsheng (譚新生), former deputy mayor of Tongnan County in Chongqing, said that accepting “gifts” and “rewards” is normal, professional behavior that serves the purpose of economic development and reflects the principle that “development is the hard truth.”
Yang Liquan (楊禮權), former secretary of the CCP’s Daojiao Town Committee in Dongguan City, Guangdong Province, said that the money he received was a reward that other people gave him in the hope that he would solve their problems as soon as possible.
Such arguments presented by corrupt officials are “rhetorical corruption,” former Association of Chinese Sociolinguistics president Su Jinzhi (蘇金智) said.
People who engage in corruption always manipulate language to turn the truth on its head. They say one thing and do another. What they really think, what they say in meetings and what they end up doing are three different things, Su said.
Su goes on to say that this rhetorical corruption has many manifestations, with euphemisms and violent language being its two extremes that play the role of carrot and stick. At one end, people try to justify their behavior by acting coy and innocent, while at the other they use aggressive language to insult or attack innocent people.
Asked about the TPP’s misreporting of election campaign expenses, Ko said that he had misjudged people’s roles.
His campaign team had made mistakes, Ko said, adding that they would learn from those misjudgements.
However, Ko’s mother angrily reacted to the criticism, saying that anyone else who accused her son of embezzlement would be struck by lightning. In so doing, this mother-and-son pair demonstrated the two extremes of corruption, namely euphemisms and violent language.
Ko said that the two sides of the Taiwan Strait are one family. As if to prove the point, he has the same attitude to corruption as the CCP. It really is a shame.
Muduo
Taipei
Sincerity now heartlessness
In this year’s presidential election, former Taipei mayor and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Chairman Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) said he was the only politician to receive a political contribution of NT$340 million (US$10.6 million), much of which were small donations of pocket change or the meager wages of “little grass” supporters — money they scrimped and saved just to give to Ko. Before the election, Ko endlessly pleaded his “poverty” to his supporters, even saying: “I will cherish every single penny you give me.”
So what happened?
The maelstrom around Ko’s election campaign accounts has exposed how much money is in the TPP’s coffers. It has spent its supporters’ money like the sky is the limit. More than NT$14 million was spent on pre-election polling. The Ko campaign spent NT$9 million on one poll alone. When other candidates were paying a bit more than NT$100,000 for a political ad, the Ko camp felt the need to spend NT$700,000.
Ko’s campaign headquarters in New Taipei City’s Sinjhuang District (新莊) used NT$16 million on office decor alone. Compare this with the amount spent by President William Lai’s (賴清德) campaign on decorations for all his campaign centers across the nation, which amounted to a bit more than NT$8 million.
When it came to spending on large campaign venues for events with lackluster attendance, Ko spent more than NT$4 million. He touted himself as “the most fiscally disciplined [candidate].”
When did he “cherish” any of the donations?
After the flash flood of Ko’s financial mismanagement came to light, it turns out his team not only failed to keep proper records, but they also highlighted a lot of cooking of the books and large sums transferred from party accounts to private accounts, such as with marketing firm Muko.
Whose pockets were ultimately lined after the money was withdrawn? What happened to the TPP’s cashflow worth tens of millions of New Taiwan dollars?
Accounting entries for Ko’s political campaign finances are in complete disarray. How could someone see Ko and the TPP as “pragmatic, rational and scientific” after all this?
Since Ko’s alleged involvement with corruption cases as Taipei mayor, such as the Core Pacific City Mall and Beitou Shilin Technology Park projects, his sincere and honest image is now in tatters.
He often pleaded poverty to supporters, but in reality the TPP was loaded with cash. All it took was this year’s presidential election and Ko was able to bring in NT$110 million. Each year, the TPP also raked in about NT$200 million in government stipends intended for smaller political parties. Ko’s wallet has been brimming with cash. The TPP certainly has not wanted for anything.
Why would the TPP’s supporters want to exchange sincerity for heartlessness? How do Ko and the TPP still have the gall to put their hands out and ask for more donations?
Chiu Bing-chin
Taipei
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,