In an interview aired on Tuesday, former US House of Representatives speaker Nancy Pelosi lambasted former Australian prime minister Paul Keating for calling Taiwan “Chinese real-estate.” The Guardian reported that Pelosi told the Australian Broadcasting Corp that “it is really not in the security interest of the Asia-Pacific region for people to talk that way.”
In response, Keating said that Pelosi had made “a recklessly indulgent visit to Taiwan in 2022, [which] very nearly brought the United States and China to a military confrontation.”
Keating has long said that Australia should not be drawn into a conflict over the status of Taiwan, and said that while in office from 1991 to 1996, he was representing “the national interests of Australia,” and that “the whole world recognizes as one country, China and Taiwan,” the Guardian reported.
It is unsurprising for an Australian politician to make statements that favor Beijing’s position on Taiwan. The Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s Web site refers to China as Australia’s largest two-way trading partner, accounting for 27 percent of its foreign trade last year. In 2019, Chinese students spent more than A$12 billion (US$8 billion) to attend schools in Australia, figures from the data-gathering Web site Statista showed. That makes the suspension of Australian activist Drew Pavlou from his final semester at the University of Queensland unsurprising, after making comments in support of the 2019 democracy protests in Hong Kong. Then-Chinese consul general in Brisbane Xu Jie (徐杰) was an adjunct professor at the Confucius Institute on the university’s campus at the time.
In an article published on May 8, 2020, on the Web site of the US-based Center for Strategic and International Studies think tank, former US deputy assistant secretary of defense for South and Southeast Asia Amy Searight wrote that “although China’s rising influence is felt all across the globe, perhaps no country has been as roiled politically by China’s growing influence and political ambitions as Australia has over the past several years.”
First came revelations about donations to try to alter Australian political parties’ policies on China, and then came questions about Beijing’s efforts to co-opt Chinese-language media in Australia, she wrote.
Despite those efforts, Australia-China relations have often been rocky. In 2020, Beijing placed anti-dumping tariffs of 218.4 percent on Australian wines. The tariffs, which were lifted on March 29, were widely seen as retaliation after former Australian prime minister Scott Morrison vetoed the state of Victoria’s Belt and Road Initiative deal with China.
China has also jailed Australian citizens including writer Yang Hengjun (楊恒均) and reporter Cheng Lei (成蕾), while its military and coast guard have clashed with Australian vessels and aircraft. In 2022, Australia tracked a Chinese intelligence ship within 50 nautical miles (92.6km) of a sensitive defense facility on Australia’s west coast. In May, a Chinese J-10 jet dropped flares above and several hundred meters ahead of an Australian MH-60R Seahawk helicopter operating over the Yellow Sea.
Nevertheless, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese on June 17 met with Chinese Premier Li Qiang (李強) in Canberra, where the two agreed to “properly manage” their differences after trade barriers cost Australian exporters up to A$20 billion per year, The Associated Press reported.
Australia is not unique in its trade reliance on China, and it does not even trade with China as much as Taiwan does. However, Australia’s autonomy should not be subject to threats due to its trade relationship with China. Despite Keating’s comments to the contrary, Chinese aggression in the Indo-Pacific region is a concern for Australia, and the global community. Taipei should communicate its concerns with Canberra when Australian officials make concerning comments about Taiwan’s sovereignty.
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
“I compare the Communist Party to my mother,” sings a student at a boarding school in a Tibetan region of China’s Qinghai province. “If faith has a color,” others at a different school sing, “it would surely be Chinese red.” In a major story for the New York Times this month, Chris Buckley wrote about the forced placement of hundreds of thousands of Tibetan children in boarding schools, where many suffer physical and psychological abuse. Separating these children from their families, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aims to substitute itself for their parents and for their religion. Buckley’s reporting is
Last week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), together holding more than half of the legislative seats, cut about NT$94 billion (US$2.85 billion) from the yearly budget. The cuts include 60 percent of the government’s advertising budget, 10 percent of administrative expenses, 3 percent of the military budget, and 60 percent of the international travel, overseas education and training allowances. In addition, the two parties have proposed freezing the budgets of many ministries and departments, including NT$1.8 billion from the Ministry of National Defense’s Indigenous Defense Submarine program — 90 percent of the program’s proposed
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