Perched atop Port Vila, Vanuatu’s seaside capital, sits a gleaming red and white building, gifted to the Pacific country by China last month. The new presidential palace has a coveted position in town, high on a hill and overlooking the prime minister’s office, a building which was similarly renovated thanks to a hefty Chinese donation almost a decade ago.
The multimillion-dollar complex is the latest in a long line of gifts and infrastructure projects offered to Vanuatu by Beijing, transforming several towns and villages in the small island nation of just more than 300,000 people. They include a suite of new government ministry buildings, the country’s parliament house, road construction projects on several islands, the rebuilding of a sports stadium, a new wharf and the donation of a massive convention center that often sits empty in the middle of town.
Vanuatu Minister of Finance John Salong, whose new Chinese-built ministerial building was handed over to his government with the palace last month, said the projects have been a boon for the developing country, which often struggles to pay for building works itself. The Lowy Institute estimates the presidential palace and new government buildings cost US$20 million.
“We use diplomacy as a means for us to leverage the resources we have so that we can build institutions that we need,” Salong said.
These large constructions have become visible monuments to China’s deepening influence in the region, not only as a development partner, but also as an emerging political player. Major Chinese-funded works have taken place in almost every Pacific Island country, coinciding with an expansion of China’s security and policing deals in the region and the strengthening of diplomatic ties between Beijing and Pacific governments.
Days after Vanuatu Prime Minister Charlot Salwai attended the opening of the new presidential palace, he flew to China with a delegation of officials to meet with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). In a joint statement released after the talks, China said it welcomed Vanuatu’s “active participation” in its Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing’s multibillion dollar project to connect the world through a series of infrastructure builds.
“China has provided assistance to Vanuatu with no political strings attached,” Chinese Ambassador to Vanuatu Li Minggang (李名剛) said in an address broadcast by Chinese state media shortly after the handover of the new palace.
The Chinese embassy in Vanuatu did not respond to a request for comment.
Yet, some Pacific Islanders have voiced criticism over the proliferation of Chinese-backed infrastructure projects in their countries.
Jean Pascal Wahe, a community leader from the island of Tanna in Vanuatu, said that though a Chinese-funded road network has given his people critical access to markets, health services and the local airport, he is also concerned about the more than decade-long presence of the China Civil Engineering Construction Corp on his island.
The company, wholly owned by the Chinese government, “has now won every other sub-contract for roadworks that weren’t even part of the original road project,” Wahe said.
China’s aid expenditure in the Pacific is dwarfed by other countries, estimated to make up only 9 percent of total development spending in the region according to the Lowy Institute’s Aid Map. In contrast, the aid expenditure by Australia, who remains the region’s biggest spender by a significant margin, makes up 40 percent of total Pacific development income — equivalent to about US$15 billion as of 2021.
However, Beijing’s investment in prominent infrastructure builds, often unveiled to Pacific governments through lavish ceremonies, has skewed public opinion over the size of China’s contributions.
“Australia gives four times as much aid in the Pacific,” said Graeme Smith, a senior fellow from the Australian National University who has investigated Chinese aid and infrastructure development throughout the Pacific.
“But the perception in the Pacific, when you do these attitude surveys, people think that China is the main donor, because you have these physical symbols of their gifts,” Smith said.
Of further concern is the heavy economic burden some of China’s infrastructure projects have placed on developing Pacific countries. China is the region’s largest lender, and although many of the Pacific’s government buildings have been donated as gifts, the majority of its infrastructure builds are made possible by sizable loans from China’s Exim Bank.
“I’m scared about these loans and have doubts about how we’ll pay it back,” said Wahe, who knows the government has taken on a major loan from China to finance the works on his island.
“The project is good, but I keep reminding our leaders that in this world, there’s no such thing as a free lunch,” he said.
Tonga has this year begun the difficult process of paying back its giant US$119 million loan to China, while there are concerns Vanuatu will face debt distress as it struggles to repay China for its extensive road and other infrastructure projects.
“It might be that our debt sustainability will go from moderate to high debt distress,” Salong said.
“We have to check ourselves and make sure that it’s not just infrastructure for the sake of infrastructure, it’s infrastructure that’s going to be helping expand the economic base so that we can continue to manage the country,” he said.
As Chinese investment continues to change the landscape in many Pacific countries, other development partners are also ramping up assistance in the region. A couple of weeks after Vanuatu’s Chinese-built palace was unveiled, the US opened its embassy in Port Vila. The US recently announced US$10 million in additional funding to the region through its Pacific Islands Infrastructure Initiative.
Salong said such assistance is welcome, but his government would ultimately decide what projects would be approved.
“We make our own decisions, and we know we decide our own priorities,” he said.
War, possibly global, will define the coming decade — so it is crucial that Taiwanese decide now what their freedom and their lives are worth — perhaps starting with a defense budget of 5 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). The force that threatens Taiwan, the Communist Party of China (CCP) and its People’s Liberation Army (PLA), asserts that a free, or even worse, an “independent” Taiwan is the greatest threat to the CCP’s dictatorship. Accordingly, they are prepared to kill Taiwanese by the millions, which also will initiate their longer war against democracies. Should it succeed, Chinese sources are all but openly
Russian President Vladimir Putin probably believed in his heart that after invading Ukraine it would be left with no choice but to take a beating with no means of fighting back. He likely believed Ukraine would use up all of its might to defend itself and be left with no energy to turn the fight around and into Russia. He was relaxed and unburdened. Regardless of which direction the war would take, the fight would never leave Ukrainian territory. The Russian public believed the same thing and did not concern themselves with the war, with some even going so far
Oil, copper, soybeans and a handful of others monopolized the attention — but of all commodities, the humble lump of iron ore benefited the most from the Chinese economic boom of the past 25 years. It was an astonishing bonanza: From the late 1990s to earlier this year, iron ore prices jumped nearly 10-fold, more than any other major commodity; traded volume tripled; Australian commodity tycoons become billionaires; mining companies turned, even briefly, into Wall Street darlings; and mighty legal battles broke for control of the last untapped mineral deposits. Now, it is over: The greatest commodity boom thus far of the
The Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) and its chairman and former presidential candidate Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) are embroiled in a series of political donation scandals, and many believe the political ramifications could be significant, threatening the party’s future. In the past two weeks, analysts questioned the party’s use of political donations it received during the election campaign, based on donation disclosure data published by the Control Yuan. The data showed that Ko’s campaign office made several questionable payments to marketing companies, including the marketing firm Muko (木可行銷公關). Two marketing companies said they did not receive the three payments totaling NT$9.16 million (US$285,982) that