The TPP’s decline
Following the Jan. 13 presidential and legislative elections, Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Chairman Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) was pleased to see the TPP garner 22 percent of the party vote, double the 11 percent it achieved four years earlier. This was in sharp contrast to the fate of minor parties in the past, which at most won 10 percent before going into decline. Ko thought this meant that the TPP would not fizzle out and would be a third force in the local political arena.
However, Ann Kao (高虹安), who ran and was elected as mayor of Hsinchu City on behalf of the TPP, has been sentenced to seven years and four months in prison on corruption charges and dismissed from office.
Ko himself faces judicial investigation with regard to three major cases that took place during his tenure as Taipei mayor. These have raised doubts about the “squeaky-clean” image that the TPP has sought to cultivate.
The latest public opinion poll published by National Chengchi University’s Election Study Center showed that public support for the TPP has crumbled to 6.2 percent from 16.8 percent last year. If this triggers an effect of young people drifting away from the TPP, it would be the party’s biggest crisis since its founding in 2019.
Many supporters of the “blue” Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) think that if the alliance between the “blue” camp and the “white” TPP continues to split, the “green” Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) would reap the benefits and remain in power.
The party with the most to fear if the TPP fizzles out is the KMT, because young voters are likely to switch their support to the DPP. Such a scenario would mess up the KMT’s electoral campaign strategy of squeezing the DPP by using the TPP to draw young people’s votes away from it.
The TPP has from the outset been a “one-person party” launched by Ko on the foundation of “online public opinion.” However, his online presence has since been eclipsed by TPP caucus convener Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌).
Besides, political decisions are based on considerations about public affairs that involve many complicated aspects. Politics is different from general business behavior or show business. It boils down to a “political instinct reality show” where politicians must accept the real test of public opinion.
Ko’s performance during his tenure as Taipei mayor was often among the poorest of his peers, so for residents of Taipei at least, Ko is well past his sell-by date.
Ko has frequently been at odds with the DPP government as he sought to shed his “green” connections to build up a “white” alternative. He thought that his “white new politics” would be a middle way that transcends the “blue” and “green” camps. However, Ko forgot that the TPP has always been a body without a soul, rather like a political scarecrow. The party has never had any defining ideology or core values and has now become a junior partner of the KMT.
It remains to be seen whether the TPP fizzles out, but one thing we can say for sure is that the post-Ko era has already arrived.
Wu Yi-han
Taipei
On Sept. 3 in Tiananmen Square, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) rolled out a parade of new weapons in PLA service that threaten Taiwan — some of that Taiwan is addressing with added and new military investments and some of which it cannot, having to rely on the initiative of allies like the United States. The CCP’s goal of replacing US leadership on the global stage was advanced by the military parade, but also by China hosting in Tianjin an August 31-Sept. 1 summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which since 2001 has specialized
In an article published by the Harvard Kennedy School, renowned historian of modern China Rana Mitter used a structured question-and-answer format to deepen the understanding of the relationship between Taiwan and China. Mitter highlights the differences between the repressive and authoritarian People’s Republic of China and the vibrant democracy that exists in Taiwan, saying that Taiwan and China “have had an interconnected relationship that has been both close and contentious at times.” However, his description of the history — before and after 1945 — contains significant flaws. First, he writes that “Taiwan was always broadly regarded by the imperial dynasties of
A large part of the discourse about Taiwan as a sovereign, independent nation has centered on conventions of international law and international agreements between outside powers — such as between the US, UK, Russia, the Republic of China (ROC) and Japan at the end of World War II, and between the US and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) since recognition of the PRC as the sole representative of China at the UN. Internationally, the narrative on the PRC and Taiwan has changed considerably since the days of the first term of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) of the Democratic
A report by the US-based Jamestown Foundation on Tuesday last week warned that China is operating illegal oil drilling inside Taiwan’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) off the Taiwan-controlled Pratas Island (Dongsha, 東沙群島), marking a sharp escalation in Beijing’s “gray zone” tactics. The report said that, starting in July, state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corp installed 12 permanent or semi-permanent oil rig structures and dozens of associated ships deep inside Taiwan’s EEZ about 48km from the restricted waters of Pratas Island in the northeast of the South China Sea, islands that are home to a Taiwanese garrison. The rigs not only typify