I was born in Yunlin County, where the number of deaths has exceeded births for 16 consecutive years. The population has been declining since 2008. This reflects a trend where young people, after finishing school, do not stay in Yunlin. Instead, they head to cities like Taipei or Taichung for job opportunities and a more vibrant lifestyle.
A friend of mine faced the dilemma of not finding suitable employment opportunities in her hometown after graduating from university. She hoped to find a job related to her profession in Yunlin County, but job opportunities there were limited. She had to leave her hometown and seek better career prospects in Taipei. Such stories are not uncommon in Yunlin County, as many young people confront similar dilemmas.
Taiwan faces an increasingly severe demographic challenge. The population is concentrated in urban areas, while rural areas are grappling with labor shortages and an aging population.
To tackle the issue, the National Development Council announced the Regional Revitalization Policy in 2019, aiming to encourage proactive thinking at the local level to boost regional industrial development. The goal is to attract younger people back to rural areas, promote internal migration within Taiwan and alleviate the excessive population concentration in cities.
The regional revitalization policy has been in place for six years, and the government has invested a significant amount of money, yet there have been no major results. Most young people still choose to work in cities. Successful projects are highlighted by the government, but more often they have fallen short, and the underlying issues remain unresolved. Why are young people unwilling to return to their hometowns? Is it due to flawed policies, or are there other factors at play?
Policies designed to address immediate social issues tend to be reactive. The current approach is more proactive, focusing on setting goals and a vision for what needs to be accomplished in the coming years. However, these policies still prioritize short-term interests and lack continuity. When a project ends, there is often no one to continue the work. Most rural residents focus on just getting by. The poor do not have the luxury of focusing on regional development.
Autonomous community organizations and enterprises are typically less powerful and have less resources. The government sector tends to have plenty of resources, but often lacks long-term planning and continuity, focusing solely on immediate and achievable goals. Cross-sectoral collaboration remains mostly theoretical and idealistic and is rarely put into practice.
Long-term and sustainable development of a region requires community engagement to be succesful, and complemented by support and assistance from the public sector.
However, issues in Yunlin County have led me to question whether Taiwanese genuinely care about the nation’s welfare. Would young people continue to move away from their hometowns in pursuit of higher salaries and better living conditions? Are the hyped slogans just blueprints that would never be achieved?
What is happening in the private sector is instructive. Corporations prioritize economic development over environmental concerns, resulting in pollution and damage to the environment.
Do Taiwanese sincerely love their homeland, or are they primarily concerned with accumulating wealth over the deeper welfare of the nation? Successful policy implementation might not be sufficient to arrest the decline unless Taiwanese begin to truly value their home.
Before we make the place, we need to love the place.
Wei Jung-shu is a student in the Department of International Affairs at Wenzao Ursuline University of Languages.
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
“I compare the Communist Party to my mother,” sings a student at a boarding school in a Tibetan region of China’s Qinghai province. “If faith has a color,” others at a different school sing, “it would surely be Chinese red.” In a major story for the New York Times this month, Chris Buckley wrote about the forced placement of hundreds of thousands of Tibetan children in boarding schools, where many suffer physical and psychological abuse. Separating these children from their families, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aims to substitute itself for their parents and for their religion. Buckley’s reporting is
Last week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), together holding more than half of the legislative seats, cut about NT$94 billion (US$2.85 billion) from the yearly budget. The cuts include 60 percent of the government’s advertising budget, 10 percent of administrative expenses, 3 percent of the military budget, and 60 percent of the international travel, overseas education and training allowances. In addition, the two parties have proposed freezing the budgets of many ministries and departments, including NT$1.8 billion from the Ministry of National Defense’s Indigenous Defense Submarine program — 90 percent of the program’s proposed