The elections for the European Parliament, with more than half of the 373 million eligible voters across 27 countries casting ballots, have rocked the continent. The result reduced the leaders of the bloc’s biggest nations, Germany and France, to lame ducks. Although the center-right would continue to dominate parliament, the surge in support for the extreme right evokes memories of the ugliest moments of the 20th century.
While Russian funding and propaganda were widespread — including claims that Ukraine was plotting to assassinate French President Emmanuel Macron and then blame the killing on Moscow — the right-wing surge was mostly homegrown, stoked by inflation, opposition to climate-change policies and the urban-rural divide at the heart of so-called culture wars.
Above all, continent-wide support for the right is driven by hostility to mass migration from the southern hemisphere, to which no government appears to have a credible response. Few politicians of the center and left dare to tell voters the truth — that the migrant flood can only increase, given the demographics of Africa and consequences of climate change.
Illustration: Mountain People
Even fewer have the nerve to tell Europeans that, amid falling birthrates, Europe’s economies need at least some migrant labor. Indeed, Europe’s big story — what should rightfully have been the central issue of these elections — is its severe economic decline, relative to Asia and the US.
Though there is some dispute about interpretations of statistics influenced by exchange rate fluctuations, the EU’s share of world gross domestic product is falling, being overtaken by that of China. In the past five years, US real GDP grew 7 percent, against Germany’s 3 percent. Europeans work fewer hours than Americans and take more holidays. In dollar terms, the EU’s economy is now only 65 percent of the US’, down from 90 percent on the eve of the 2008 financial crisis.
Europe has created not even the beginnings of a rival to the US tech giants. Its universities languish in world rankings well below those of the US — only a handful of British research hubs such as Imperial College, London, are around the top. Moreover, European financial markets offer much more limited access to capital than do their US counterparts.
These latest election results have mostly yielded gains for parties attempting to save the continent’s old tribal model, rather than those addressing the challenges of the new universe, which is coming whether we like it or not. The far right is rising on the back of the same sort of fears that powered the rise of fascism before World War II.
Prior to the weekend vote, French Prime Minister Gabriel Attal told the French public: “Don’t be like the British who cried over Brexit” — meaning look forward instead of forever backward. However, a majority of French voters have ignored his counsel.
The European to watch in the months and perhaps years ahead is Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, whose party was among the big winners from this weekend’s elections, gaining about one-third of the national vote.
This is a politician who once spoke warmly of fascist dictator Benito Mussolini, saying: “Everything he did, he did for Italy.”
Since securing the national leadership, she has achieved the difficult — and perhaps alarming — feat of making her far-right party and herself look respectable. She has dropped her earlier opposition to EU membership, arguing instead only for reform, and forged a close working relationship with EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. She is also being courted by French right-wing star Marine Le Pen.
She told Italian TV during the campaign: “I want to try something that’s not easy but fascinating — to repeat in Europe what we’ve achieved in Italy.”
She remains committed to a “zero tolerance” policy on migration. Her critics say that beneath the surface, her party remains close to its fascist roots.
She made the election a personal referendum by urging voters to “just write Giorgia” on their ballots. Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party, which won only 6 percent of the vote in 2019, secured a stunning 29 percent.
The really dismaying quality about the European right, like the US Republican Party, is that its policies, which would have been branded extremist even five years ago, are now treated as mainstream. It is certainly true that Meloni has become an important European player, but it is too soon to dismiss fears that she represents forces profoundly dangerous to European democracy.
Back in 2001, political philosopher Larry Siedentop dismissed the EU as “bureaucratic despotism.” This has been a view shared for several decades by conservatives, including those who drove the UK to Brexit in the 2016 referendum.
Yet today there is an understanding, even among some followers of the far right, that in the new economic universe no nation save the US or China is large enough to prosper, or indeed negotiate on the world stage, entirely alone. We hang together, or hang separately, as the British have been discovering.
The election results constitute a massive rebuke for Europe’s liberal elites, whose grip on power has been receding for years. To be sure, there is some comfort in the fact that the far right have not displaced the dominant center-right in the European parliament.
Moreover, opposition parties have gained important ground in Hungary, ruled by anti-democratic Prime Minister Viktor Orban. Belgium’s Flemish separatist movement has failed to make the breakthrough many feared.
A recent continent-wide opinion poll showed that even in the UK, 66 percent of voters have a positive view of the EU, surely driven in part by a realization of what we have lost through Brexit.
The young, especially, show an ever-more pronounced enthusiasm for union.
However, there remains an ugliness inseparable from all neo-fascist movements on both sides of the Atlantic. Plentiful reasons for fear persist among those of us who believe that all politics are best conducted around the center.
Amidst Europe’s near-obsession with migration as a threat, far too few people are focused on the towering prospect that the US and Asia look like dominating the new economic and industrial world, with Europe being left behind and gravely threatened on its eastern borders by possible further Russian aggression. These election results represent a step back from facing such cruel realities.
Oh yes, and one more message from the European elections: Any ruling politician up for election anywhere in the Western world had better be seen to do something meaningful to control immigration. Or lose their job.
Max Hastings is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist. His books include Overlord: D-Day and the Battle for Normandy. This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
US President Donald Trump is systematically dismantling the network of multilateral institutions, organizations and agreements that have helped prevent a third world war for more than 70 years. Yet many governments are twisting themselves into knots trying to downplay his actions, insisting that things are not as they seem and that even if they are, confronting the menace in the White House simply is not an option. Disagreement must be carefully disguised to avoid provoking his wrath. For the British political establishment, the convenient excuse is the need to preserve the UK’s “special relationship” with the US. Following their White House
Taiwan is a small, humble place. There is no Eiffel Tower, no pyramids — no singular attraction that draws the world’s attention. If it makes headlines, it is because China wants to invade. Yet, those who find their way here by some twist of fate often fall in love. If you ask them why, some cite numbers showing it is one of the freest and safest countries in the world. Others talk about something harder to name: The quiet order of queues, the shared umbrellas for anyone caught in the rain, the way people stand so elderly riders can sit, the
After the coup in Burma in 2021, the country’s decades-long armed conflict escalated into a full-scale war. On one side was the Burmese army; large, well-equipped, and funded by China, supported with weapons, including airplanes and helicopters from China and Russia. On the other side were the pro-democracy forces, composed of countless small ethnic resistance armies. The military junta cut off electricity, phone and cell service, and the Internet in most of the country, leaving resistance forces isolated from the outside world and making it difficult for the various armies to coordinate with one another. Despite being severely outnumbered and
After the confrontation between US President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy on Friday last week, John Bolton, Trump’s former national security adviser, discussed this shocking event in an interview. Describing it as a disaster “not only for Ukraine, but also for the US,” Bolton added: “If I were in Taiwan, I would be very worried right now.” Indeed, Taiwanese have been observing — and discussing — this jarring clash as a foreboding signal. Pro-China commentators largely view it as further evidence that the US is an unreliable ally and that Taiwan would be better off integrating more deeply into
RSS