The largest election in the world in India covering an electorate of 968 million people from April 19 to Saturday has been completed. The results were unexpected, with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) majority diminished.
The BJP had 303 seats previously and had won handsomely in 2014 and 2019 under the leadership of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This year, it belied expectations and pollsters’ predictions. Its 240 seats were below the majority mark of 272, although it remains by far the single largest party and with its National Democratic Alliance it won 295 seats, giving it a safe majority.
The opposition Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance could only cobble together 235 seats.
The BJPs losses came in the bigger states. While it enhanced its performance in eastern and southern India, in the five states with the largest representations in parliament — Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Bihar, West Bengal and Tamil Nadu — it made no new gains or lost seats, which pushed it down to its lowest level since 2014.
Yet Modi returns to lead a government for the third time, equaling the record of India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. Modi’s government has promised continuity and emphasis on its detailed manifesto, including rapid economic growth, employment generation and welfare.
Foreign policy was not a major polling agenda, but national security is. The BJP is committed to a robust development of India’s physical and economic security. Its work in the area will be watched carefully.
As India grows to be the third-largest world economy, it needs a large dose of technology and employment generation to augment its successes in digital technology and IT services. India seeks trade, technology and tourism engagement with countries and tasks its diplomats to enhance exports, seek modern technologies and enlarge tourism inflows.
Countries where this could happen will be brought into renewed focus. Renewable energy, semiconductors, critical minerals and manufacturing foreign direct investment will be top objectives.
The relationship with the US will remain a prime focus strategically in the Indo-Pacific region and for technology and economic aspects. A further expansion of engagement with the EU, perhaps leading to the conclusion of a long pending India-EU free-trade agreement will be pursued. A greater strategic coherence with Europe and expansion of technology relations through the Trade and Technology Council transatlantic forum are important issues.
India will continue its engagement with the G7. It will remain engaged with BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The Indo-Pacific region will remain a major area of focus for New Delhi as it implements its Act East Policy and Indo-Pacific Oceans’ Initiative. The relationships with Japan and others in the Indo-Pacific region are strategically important for expanded economic engagement.
The biggest challenges will be dealing with Pakistan and China, both of which have clear hostility toward the rise of India. Pakistan’s new civilian government makes positive noises about engaging India. This will depend on how Pakistan controls cross-border terrorism. The higher participation of the electorate in Jammu & Kashmir was encouraging.
China remains the biggest challenge. China expects India to engage without resolving their border issues. China unilaterally alters interactions on the border and creates new fault lines that are challenged by India. So far, India has maintained that without tranquility on the border, the relationship cannot progress.
The new government will enhance its defense arrangements on the border with China to prevent a recurrence of situations like 2020. While upgrading its guard, a confident government might seek to engage China in bilateral talks that would include the border.
Chinese assessments see the results of the elections as weakening India, but they strengthen Indian democracy. China is unused to this.
If the long-term diplomatic estrangement continues, India’s resolve to de-risk its engagements with China would result in closer partnerships in the Indo-Pacific, particularly Japan, the US and Australia. A closer engagement with Taiwan and ASEAN, as well as challenging Chinese hegemonic designs in the Indian Ocean is probable.
The quick congratulatory message from President William Lai (賴清德) and the prompt response by Modi after India’s election results were announced shows that India-Taiwan ties are poised to grow.
Gurjit Singh is a former Indian ambassador to Germany, Indonesia and ASEAN, Ethiopia and the African Union.
Labubu, an elf-like plush toy with pointy ears and nine serrated teeth, has become a global sensation, worn by celebrities including Rihanna and Dua Lipa. These dolls are sold out in stores from Singapore to London; a human-sized version recently fetched a whopping US$150,000 at an auction in Beijing. With all the social media buzz, it is worth asking if we are witnessing the rise of a new-age collectible, or whether Labubu is a mere fad destined to fade. Investors certainly want to know. Pop Mart International Group Ltd, the Chinese manufacturer behind this trendy toy, has rallied 178 percent
My youngest son attends a university in Taipei. Throughout the past two years, whenever I have brought him his luggage or picked him up for the end of a semester or the start of a break, I have stayed at a hotel near his campus. In doing so, I have noticed a strange phenomenon: The hotel’s TV contained an unusual number of Chinese channels, filled with accents that would make a person feel as if they are in China. It is quite exhausting. A few days ago, while staying in the hotel, I found that of the 50 available TV channels,
Kinmen County’s political geography is provocative in and of itself. A pair of islets running up abreast the Chinese mainland, just 20 minutes by ferry from the Chinese city of Xiamen, Kinmen remains under the Taiwanese government’s control, after China’s failed invasion attempt in 1949. The provocative nature of Kinmen’s existence, along with the Matsu Islands off the coast of China’s Fuzhou City, has led to no shortage of outrageous takes and analyses in foreign media either fearmongering of a Chinese invasion or using these accidents of history to somehow understand Taiwan. Every few months a foreign reporter goes to
There is no such thing as a “silicon shield.” This trope has gained traction in the world of Taiwanese news, likely with the best intentions. Anything that breaks the China-controlled narrative that Taiwan is doomed to be conquered is welcome, but after observing its rise in recent months, I now believe that the “silicon shield” is a myth — one that is ultimately working against Taiwan. The basic silicon shield idea is that the world, particularly the US, would rush to defend Taiwan against a Chinese invasion because they do not want Beijing to seize the nation’s vital and unique chip industry. However,
RSS