Climate change continues to ravage Africa, which is enduring extreme weather and natural disasters on an unprecedented scale. My own country, Kenya, has just emerged from its longest drought on record, only to suffer devastating floods, which have killed 289 people and affected more than 800,000. Meanwhile, Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe recently experienced a severe drought that exposed millions of people to hunger, and the Sahel region was hit by a debilitating heat wave, resulting in more than 100 deaths in Mali.
Climate change increasingly drives droughts in Africa, jeopardizing water supplies. It ruins lives and livelihoods, cripples food production, and destroys homes and infrastructure. It affects migration patterns and exacerbates conflicts, forcing entire populations to flee in search of alternative livelihoods for survival.
Making matters worse, African countries pay interest rates up to eight times higher than those attached to the typical World Bank loan, leaving them even less equipped to deal with climate-related challenges. This disparity reflects an international financial system that was established in 1945, when most African countries did not yet exist, and which remains tilted in favor of wealthy countries. Many African countries are trapped in a perpetual cycle of debt, with little or no fiscal space for development and investments in climate-change mitigation or adaptation.
Illustration: Yusha
Developing countries are now net contributors of financial flows to the global economy. Net financial transfers to developing countries plummeted from a peak of US$225 billion in 2014 to US$51 billion in 2022. Last year, US$74 billion in interest payments left International Development Association (IDA) countries — comprising low-income and some lower-middle-income economies — for wealthier donor countries.
These financial strains are hampering African countries’ efforts not only to adapt to the effects of climate change, but also to make the transition to a low-carbon economy, not to mention allocating adequate resources for education, healthcare and social protections.
That is why Africa — and the rest of the developing world — has been calling for urgent reforms to the global financial architecture.
However, it falls to the G7 and the G20 to take the necessary steps in this direction. As a major shareholder in the multilateral development banks, the US can help lead the way.
When the G7 meets in Apulia, Italy, for its 50th summit next month, the leaders of major donor countries can demonstrate solidarity with Africa by committing to support debt restructuring and debt cancelation, as well as make provisions for greater concessional and longer-term development financing.
At the Italy-Africa Summit in January, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni pledged to be Africa’s friend and envoy at the G7, and we remain confident that she and other well-meaning G7 leaders would deliver the keys to unlock the financing that Africa needs.
A fair financial system would grant all countries equal access to equity. One readily available way to do this would be to reallocate special drawing rights — the IMF’s international reserve asset — to the African Development Bank.
While the G20 launched the Common Framework for Debt Treatments four years ago, the pace of restructuring remains woefully misaligned with countries’ needs. Wealthy countries must show leadership and release the financing that African countries need to unlock their growth potential. Continuing merely to talk about it would achieve nothing.
I recently hosted the IDA’s replenishment summit in Nairobi, where 19 heads of state or government from across the continent discussed Africa’s debt crisis, and how it has been compounded by climate-driven costs and the economic scars of the COVID-19 pandemic. All agreed that we need wealthy countries to rise to the occasion and scale up financing to bridge Africa’s climate and development needs.
We are calling on our friends — the US, the EU, the UK and Japan — to provide a steady stream of long-term concessional financing, including at least US$120 billion for the IDA21 replenishment, on the way toward tripling the fund by 2030.
Rather than playing the victims, we are keen to do our part to make the world more habitable. We are taking the lead and showing that it is possible to achieve prosperity without destroying the planet, through green industrialization. As I conduct my state visit to the US, I would make clear that Kenya — and Africa more broadly — is open for business.
We invite investments that would tap our immense renewable energy resources, our young and skilled workforce, and our conducive business environment. We offer major opportunities in apparel manufacturing, agriculture, information and communication technology and much more. The US is already Kenya’s largest export market, and as we mark the 60th anniversary of US-Kenyan diplomatic relations, we would look to build on this relationship, and to enhance trade and sustainable development gains for both countries.
William Ruto is president of Kenya.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
The return of US president-elect Donald Trump to the White House has injected a new wave of anxiety across the Taiwan Strait. For Taiwan, an island whose very survival depends on the delicate and strategic support from the US, Trump’s election victory raises a cascade of questions and fears about what lies ahead. His approach to international relations — grounded in transactional and unpredictable policies — poses unique risks to Taiwan’s stability, economic prosperity and geopolitical standing. Trump’s first term left a complicated legacy in the region. On the one hand, his administration ramped up arms sales to Taiwan and sanctioned
The US election result will significantly impact its foreign policy with global implications. As tensions escalate in the Taiwan Strait and conflicts elsewhere draw attention away from the western Pacific, Taiwan was closely monitoring the election, as many believe that whoever won would confront an increasingly assertive China, especially with speculation over a potential escalation in or around 2027. A second Donald Trump presidency naturally raises questions concerning the future of US policy toward China and Taiwan, with Trump displaying mixed signals as to his position on the cross-strait conflict. US foreign policy would also depend on Trump’s Cabinet and
The Taiwanese have proven to be resilient in the face of disasters and they have resisted continuing attempts to subordinate Taiwan to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Nonetheless, the Taiwanese can and should do more to become even more resilient and to be better prepared for resistance should the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) try to annex Taiwan. President William Lai (賴清德) argues that the Taiwanese should determine their own fate. This position continues the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) tradition of opposing the CCP’s annexation of Taiwan. Lai challenges the CCP’s narrative by stating that Taiwan is not subordinate to the
Republican candidate and former US president Donald Trump is to be the 47th president of the US after beating his Democratic rival, US Vice President Kamala Harris, in the election on Tuesday. Trump’s thumping victory — winning 295 Electoral College votes against Harris’ 226 as of press time last night, along with the Republicans winning control of the US Senate and possibly the House of Representatives — is a remarkable political comeback from his 2020 defeat to US President Joe Biden, and means Trump has a strong political mandate to implement his agenda. What does Trump’s victory mean for Taiwan, Asia, deterrence