While Iran’s nuclear program stands at the precipice of tipping over into enriching uranium at weapons-grade levels, Tehran has held quiet, indirect talks with the US and invited the head of the UN’s atomic watchdog into the country for negotiations.
While seemingly contradictory, the move follows Iran’s strategy since the collapse of its nuclear deal with world powers after then-US president Donald Trump unilaterally withdrew the country from the accord in 2018. Tehran is attempting to exert its own version of Trump’s “maximum pressure” on the international community to see the economic sanctions that have crippled the country’s economy and currency lifted in exchange for slowing down its program.
The Islamic republic also appears to be trying to contain the risk it faces from the US after launching an unprecedented attack on Israel amid its war on Hamas in the Gaza Strip. The assault — a response to a suspected Israeli strike on April 1 which killed two Revolutionary Guard generals and others in Damascus, Syria — has pushed a years-long shadow war between Israel and Tehran out into the open.
All this is unlikely to change for the time being, even with the helicopter crash on Sunday that killed Iranian president Ebrahim Raisi, Iranian minister of foreign affairs Hossein Amirabdollahian and other officials on a foggy mountain. That is largely due to the fact that all matters of state rest with Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Khamenei, 85, has led Iran since 1989 as its second supreme leader since the country’s Islamic Revolution. Under Khamenei, Iran has seesawed between subtle outreach to outright hostility with the US and other Western powers.
Those cycles include reformist former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami’s “Dialogue Among Civilizations” efforts that hit a wall, as the US suffered the Sept. 11 attacks in 2001 and soon began its decades-long wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Hardline former Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad — who came to power in 2005 — cheered the country’s nuclear program and defied the West. Relatively moderate former Iranian president Hassan Rouhani ultimately got the 2015 nuclear deal across the line, ending sanctions for greatly limiting its atomic program.
Then came the US’ withdrawal from the nuclear deal. Iran in the waning days of the Rouhani administration began a series of attacks targeting shipping in the Middle East while dialing down its cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency, the UN’s watchdog. It ultimately began enriching uranium up to 60 percent purity — a step away from weapons-grade levels of 90 percent.
Then Raisi, a protege of Khamenei, won the 2021 presidential election in a vote that saw his main rivals barred from running and a record-low turnout for the race. Those policies continued — as did Iran’s support for regional militias like Yemen’s Houthi rebels, now attacking ships moving through the Red Sea over the Israel-Hamas war. Those groups have long provided Iran with a means to challenge its regional archenemy Israel, as well as the US, without a direct military confrontation.
Through all of this turmoil, the one constant has been Khamenei. As the supreme leader, he has further empowered the country’s Revolutionary Guard, whose all-volunteer Basij forces have been crucial in putting down widespread protests that have struck the nation in recent years. By ensuring Raisi’s election, he narrowed the country’s political field to only hardliners who have embraced that policy of pressure.
However, the Israel-Hamas war, as well as the risk of it expanding into a regional confrontation, has changed some of this calculus. The survival of the “nezam,” or “system” as Iran’s Shiite theocracy is known, remains the paramount concern. The risk of open warfare, as well as the economic pressure squeezing Iran and its people, have made efforts to try to restart the diplomacy — or at least alleviate the risk of things getting even worse — that much more important.
The late Amirabdollahian, as well as Iranian Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs Ali Bagheri Kani, had been fierce critics of the negotiations run under the Rouhani administration. However, in the time since, they moved to reach a detente with Saudi Arabia last year. They have continued indirect talks with the US in Oman, a sultanate on the eastern edge of the Arabian Peninsula that has been a key interlocutor between Tehran and the West.
The full extent of the talks remains unclear, as does what would come from them.
However, Iran even reached out to the US government after the helicopter crash for assistance, US Department of State spokesman Matthew Miller told journalists on Monday.
“We did make clear to them that we would offer assistance, as we would do in response to any request by a foreign government in this sort of situation,” Miller said. “Ultimately, largely for logistical reasons, we weren’t able to provide that assistance.”
That help was finding the crash site, the Washington Post reported. Such a request would not have come without Khamenei’s approval.
Jon Gambrell is the news director for the Gulf and Iran for The Associated Press. He has reported from each of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, Iran and other locations across the world since 2006.
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
“I compare the Communist Party to my mother,” sings a student at a boarding school in a Tibetan region of China’s Qinghai province. “If faith has a color,” others at a different school sing, “it would surely be Chinese red.” In a major story for the New York Times this month, Chris Buckley wrote about the forced placement of hundreds of thousands of Tibetan children in boarding schools, where many suffer physical and psychological abuse. Separating these children from their families, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aims to substitute itself for their parents and for their religion. Buckley’s reporting is
Last week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), together holding more than half of the legislative seats, cut about NT$94 billion (US$2.85 billion) from the yearly budget. The cuts include 60 percent of the government’s advertising budget, 10 percent of administrative expenses, 3 percent of the military budget, and 60 percent of the international travel, overseas education and training allowances. In addition, the two parties have proposed freezing the budgets of many ministries and departments, including NT$1.8 billion from the Ministry of National Defense’s Indigenous Defense Submarine program — 90 percent of the program’s proposed
RSS