Faced with the threat of an invasion from China, Taiwan must improve its military preparedness, which includes increasing its defense budget. These are things that belong to the realm of “hard power.”
Beijing and Taipei are grappling for control over a long story arc to persuade the international community — on official and civic levels — of the truth about Taiwan’s sovereignty status. “Soft power” is an indispensable way of achieving this, and it is being used by both sides.
Senior lecturer M. Syaprin Zahidi writes, in an article published on this page, of the Taiwan-Indonesian context and of the importance of public diplomacy in extending Taiwan’s outreach to that country.
Whereas the Indonesian government currently observes the “one China” policy, the general public is divided on its perceptions of Taiwan and Chinese Communist Party’s claims over it, Zahidi says, adding that these perceptions are largely shaped by the public diplomacy being carried out by their governments: Taipei’s New Southbound Policy (NSP) and Beijing’s Confucian Institute and student exchange programs.
The government also has a memorandum of understanding (MOU) to facilitate the employment of Indian workers in Taiwan. While this is primarily aimed at addressing labor shortages, it also has implications for soft power outreach, as it will help Taiwanese broaden their understanding of the Indian culture and vice versa. This will, in turn, set the scene for a deepening of ties between Taipei and New Delhi. The MOU is designed to work on multiple levels, enhancing exchanges at the civil and official levels, and fostering India’s investment in Taiwan’s economic and political stability. It can be seen as an extension of the government’s NSP, to transcend the constraints on international participation at the official level by raising Taiwan’s profile among the Indian populace. However, it met a stumbling block soon after its signing, with discriminatory outbursts being posted on Taiwanese social media platforms.
These inflammatory and derogatory posts about Indian workers were “misleading and harmed Taiwan’s international image,” the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said. It put the comments down to cognitive warfare tactics aimed at tarnishing Taiwan’s image as a multiethnic country that respects human rights.
It was unfortunate that Minister of Labor Hsu Ming-chun (許銘春) on Monday made clumsy, culturally insensitive comments in an interview, suggesting that the government had selected Indian workers from the northeastern part of the country as “their skin color and dietary habits are closer to ours.”
Uma Chinnannan, a doctoral candidate from India currently studying at National Chengchi University, writes in an article also published on this page that Hsu’s comments, although meant to ease integration, actually highlighted the challenges of fostering cultural compatibility without perpetuating stereotypes.
She writes that her experiences while living in Taiwan have been overwhelmingly positive, but adds that the government needs to provide comprehensive education and must be proactive in promoting integration and cultural understanding.
Meanwhile, Japan is bolstering its shrinking workforce with foreign workers and is introducing supportive measures, from changes to the working environment to language education and life counseling. It wants to encourage foreigners to work in Japan and help them integrate into Japanese society.
Taiwan has an even more pressing need to ensure that the integration of foreign nationals succeeds. The government clearly recognizes the importance of soft power, given initiatives such as the NSP and the MOU on Indian migrant workers. It should take a leaf out of Japan’s book and ensure that the correct policies are in place to promote integration. It should also make sure that its own ministers are briefed on the importance and intricacies of cultural sensitivity.
As Taiwan’s domestic political crisis deepens, the opposition Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) have proposed gutting the country’s national spending, with steep cuts to the critical foreign and defense ministries. While the blue-white coalition alleges that it is merely responding to voters’ concerns about corruption and mismanagement, of which there certainly has been plenty under Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and KMT-led governments, the rationales for their proposed spending cuts lay bare the incoherent foreign policy of the KMT-led coalition. Introduced on the eve of US President Donald Trump’s inauguration, the KMT’s proposed budget is a terrible opening
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
“I compare the Communist Party to my mother,” sings a student at a boarding school in a Tibetan region of China’s Qinghai province. “If faith has a color,” others at a different school sing, “it would surely be Chinese red.” In a major story for the New York Times this month, Chris Buckley wrote about the forced placement of hundreds of thousands of Tibetan children in boarding schools, where many suffer physical and psychological abuse. Separating these children from their families, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aims to substitute itself for their parents and for their religion. Buckley’s reporting is
Last week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), together holding more than half of the legislative seats, cut about NT$94 billion (US$2.85 billion) from the yearly budget. The cuts include 60 percent of the government’s advertising budget, 10 percent of administrative expenses, 3 percent of the military budget, and 60 percent of the international travel, overseas education and training allowances. In addition, the two parties have proposed freezing the budgets of many ministries and departments, including NT$1.8 billion from the Ministry of National Defense’s Indigenous Defense Submarine program — 90 percent of the program’s proposed