Two days after Taiwanese ignored Beijing’s threats and elected William Lai (賴清德) as president, Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in an article published in the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) Qiushi journal on Monday last week urged the party to do a better job winning the hearts of Taiwanese.
Xi outlined a strategy for the country’s “united front” tactics, saying that China must “develop and strengthen the patriotic, pro-unification forces in Taiwan, oppose the separatist acts of Taiwan independence and promote the complete reunification of the motherland.” He urged the CCP to redouble efforts to “stoke national awareness and patriotism” among Taiwanese.
However, Chinese authorities obviously failed to win over or pressure Taiwanese into voting for pro-China candidates on Jan. 13. The usual carrot-and-stick tactics — including military drills, and diplomatic and economic coercion — did not work.
Lai’s victory was not only a blunt rejection of China’s coercive tactics and unprecedented electoral interference, it was also a rejection of the so-called “1992 consensus,” the “one China principle” and the “one country, two systems” model.
On Monday last week, the US Pew Research Center published a survey which showed that more than two-thirds of Taiwanese see themselves as primarily Taiwanese, with only 3 percent calling themselves primarily Chinese, 1 percentage point lower than in a 2022 survey. Although many in Taiwan welcome trade with China, few support closer political ties, the survey showed.
A post-election poll conducted by the Taiwan Public Opinion Foundation echoed this trend, with more than 76 percent identifying as solely Taiwanese, while only 7 percent considered themselves to be Chinese.
A majority supported Lai’s objection to the “1992 consensus,” while 69 percent said they were not worried that his election victory would cause China to expedite any potential invasion plans.
The sophistry of calling the election a choice between “war and peace” failed.
Xi and the CCP should learn the lesson. Intimidation campaigns backfire, as they stir Taiwanese resentment toward the authoritarian power in Beijing, bolster Taiwanese identity and solidify support for a democratic, free and de facto independent Taiwan.
China should face the reality that a cross-strait conflict would be a costly catastrophe, especially amid its domestic economic decline and internal political turmoil. A Beijing-initiated change of the “status quo” in the Taiwan Strait would lead to international sanctions and rejection, which would be the opposite of its plans to resume international engagements and de-escalate tensions with the US.
A Center for Strategic and International Studies report this week said that a poll of US and Taiwanese experts bolstered the view that China is likely incapable of launching a military invasion of Taiwan in the next five years, although there was still concern over its ability to isolate the nation.
Lai has expressed goodwill, vowing to maintain the “status quo” in the Taiwan Strait and working toward resuming cross-strait dialogue.
If Xi really wants to win the hearts and minds of Taiwanese, he should hold back on the “wolf warrior” tactics and restart friendly communications with Taipei.
Why is Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) not a “happy camper” these days regarding Taiwan? Taiwanese have not become more “CCP friendly” in response to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) use of spies and graft by the United Front Work Department, intimidation conducted by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Armed Police/Coast Guard, and endless subversive political warfare measures, including cyber-attacks, economic coercion, and diplomatic isolation. The percentage of Taiwanese that prefer the status quo or prefer moving towards independence continues to rise — 76 percent as of December last year. According to National Chengchi University (NCCU) polling, the Taiwanese
US President Donald Trump is systematically dismantling the network of multilateral institutions, organizations and agreements that have helped prevent a third world war for more than 70 years. Yet many governments are twisting themselves into knots trying to downplay his actions, insisting that things are not as they seem and that even if they are, confronting the menace in the White House simply is not an option. Disagreement must be carefully disguised to avoid provoking his wrath. For the British political establishment, the convenient excuse is the need to preserve the UK’s “special relationship” with the US. Following their White House
It would be absurd to claim to see a silver lining behind every US President Donald Trump cloud. Those clouds are too many, too dark and too dangerous. All the same, viewed from a domestic political perspective, there is a clear emerging UK upside to Trump’s efforts at crashing the post-Cold War order. It might even get a boost from Thursday’s Washington visit by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer. In July last year, when Starmer became prime minister, the Labour Party was rigidly on the defensive about Europe. Brexit was seen as an electorally unstable issue for a party whose priority
After the coup in Burma in 2021, the country’s decades-long armed conflict escalated into a full-scale war. On one side was the Burmese army; large, well-equipped, and funded by China, supported with weapons, including airplanes and helicopters from China and Russia. On the other side were the pro-democracy forces, composed of countless small ethnic resistance armies. The military junta cut off electricity, phone and cell service, and the Internet in most of the country, leaving resistance forces isolated from the outside world and making it difficult for the various armies to coordinate with one another. Despite being severely outnumbered and