On Saturday, the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) presidential candidate, Vice President William Lai (賴清德), and his running mate, Hsiao Bi-khim (蕭美琴), received 5,586,019 votes, emerging victorious in the presidential election. With more than 40 percent of all votes garnered, the ruling DPP has secured an unprecedented third consecutive term in office since the first direct presidential election in 1996.
Nevertheless, due to the DPP’s failure to secure a majority in the Legislative Yuan, the president-elect now faces a significant obstacle. In the legislative elections, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has obtained 52 seats, outnumbering the DPP by a single seat. The Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), the second-largest opposition party, would have eight seats in the next term, which could tremendously increase its influence on the other two parties in the legislature.
As no party would be dominating the Legislative Yuan in the next term, Lai would inevitably have to seek cross-party collaboration in his presidency. A potential coalition between the KMT and TPP could have the power to boycott the DPP’s legislative proceedings, which would make it even more problematic for the Lai administration to enforce reforms that are not trilaterally agreed upon. Many DPP supporters are worried that this situation might impede the policy agenda of the next government.
This is to be the second time the DPP is in charge as a minority government. During former president Chen Shui-bian’s (陳水扁) two terms in office in the 2000s, the KMT, the People First Party and the New Party formed a pan-blue coalition.
Being the majority in the Legislative Yuan, the coalition strongly opposed many of the government-backed bills and blocked numerous budgets for military purchases, resulting in constant clashes between the ruling and opposition sides. Many fear that if such a legislative deadlock occurs again in the next four years, government operations could be severely disrupted.
It is imperative that the new government negotiates with other parties to resolve differences and foster a more harmonious political environment.
If dialogue among the three political parties is effectively conducted, the next government can greatly accelerate its implementation of policies. In the past eight years, while President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) has been widely acclaimed for her ability to elevate Taiwan’s status in the international community, her domestic policies have also been harshly criticized by her political opponents. Lai, who is to succeed her, must show willingness to exchange ideas with the opposition parties.
By adopting other parties’ voices in the policymaking process, not only might he achieve what he could not do alone, but these parties might also become more eager to collaborate with him in spite of their differing political stances.
Prior to the presidential election, all three candidates emphasized the need for an open and multi-partisan government. With the new term of the Legislative Yuan commencing on Feb. 1, now would be the opportune time for the three parties to stay united and discuss national affairs in a cooperative manner.
The Legislative Yuan should no longer be a place for throwing pig intestines and water balloons, instead, it should be a place for mutual understanding and rational communication between the parties, where the needs of the public can be appropriately responded to.
Tshua Siu-ui is a Taiwanese student studying international relations and politics in Norwich, England.
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In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
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