The US’ recent decision to approve the sale of US$300 million of defense equipment to Taiwan once again underlined a strong US-Taiwan relationship and Washington’s commitment to helping Taipei protect itself. This development also assumes an added significance against the backdrop of Taiwan’s elections on Saturday.
Undoubtedly, the presidential and legislative elections will not only play a major role in determining Taiwan’s future, they will also have a profound impact on the US-dominated regional order in Asia.
Since the end of the Cold War, Taiwan has been the jewel in the US’ unchallenged regional dominance. China’s rise as a major economic and military power, the turbulent economic condition of the US after the financial crisis of 2007 and 2008, Washington’s military engagement in the Middle East, Europe and other issues have emboldened Beijing to challenge US leadership in Asia, including by assertive posturing toward Taipei.
Former US president Donald Trump crystallized his predecessors’ policy toward Taiwan by taking several major initiatives, including the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2018, which calls for strengthening the defense partnership between the US and Taiwan. During the first three years of the administration of US President Joe Biden, Washington has continued to deepen ties with Taiwan. While this was evident from the visit by then-US House of Representatives speaker Nancy Pelosi, Biden’s statement that the US would militarily protect Taiwan if China were to attack was seen as a major shift in US policy. Washington’s Taiwan Policy Act passed in 2022 talks about about ensuring regional stability and deterring further People’s Republic of China (PRC) aggression against Taiwan. It also threatens severe sanctions against the PRC for hostile actions against Taiwan. The new act has focused on deepening Taiwan’s defense capabilities, with the US having committed to providing about US$4.5 billion in security assistance over the following four years and designating Taiwan as a “major non-NATO ally.”
The US has all the more reason to see that the new government continues to cement ties with Washington. The Biden administration is apprehensive about the Chinese communist regime attempting to influence Taiwan’s elections to ensure the election of a pro-China candidate. This would have two immediate consequences: First, Taiwan’s fight for its sovereignty would face a rough time; second, Taiwan’s democratic institutions would also come under unprecedented Chinese pressure. Therefore, one of the major US interests is to ensure free and fair elections in Taiwan. This would not only enable Taiwanese to freely exercise their franchise to choose their president and legislative representatives, it would effectively be a big blow to China’s promotion of autocracy over democracy. Free and fair elections in Taiwan would further boost the US’ image as a custodian of democracy and human rights and a free society.
Second, US wants to see the installation of a government in Taipei that can continue the legacy of President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) in improving ties between the two countries. The election of an unfriendly administration would not only drive Taiwan from the US, but it would have a negative impact on the US’ reputation as global leader. The US’ stature as sole superpower would largely remain intact while Taiwan flourishes as an independent country. This concern looms large among strategists, politicians and diplomats in Washington. US Representative Michael McCaul, the chairperson of the US House Foreign Affairs Committee, called the presidential candidate of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Beijing’s “installed puppet candidate.”
Third, China’s dominance over Taiwan would also impact the US ties with its allies. Neutral states might tilt toward China, making a balance of power against the US. Additionally, US-led regional groupings could lose their shine. After all, one major inherent interest of the US behind forming these groupings is to protect Taiwan from Chinese threats. Fourth, there is also a concern that China would intensify its assertive posturing toward its neighboring countries.
Fifth, due to Beijing’s extensive economic coercion against Taipei, another priority for the US is Taiwan’s economic security. In addition to fines on Taiwanese companies operating in China that support Taiwanese independence, China has indicated its larger plan to undermine Taiwan’s economic security.
With a KMT government in power, Beijing could further try to reduce Taiwan’s presence in the global supply chain. As China is dependent on Taiwan for more than 70 percent of its chip requirements, a pro-China government in Taiwan would squarely address Beijing’s interest. A strong Taiwanese economy is equally important for Washington. Taiwan’s leadership in semiconductor manufacturing makes it crucial for the US and other countries to ensure that Taiwan does not fall under Beijing’s control.
The larger concern is how China’s behavior toward Taiwan would change should the Democratic Progressive Party’s presidential candidate, Vice President William Lai (賴清德), win. Lai continues to lead his opponents in opinion polls. Would the US give up its policy of strategic ambiguity if China takes military action?
Saturday’s election is an inflection point for Taiwan-US relations.
Sumit Kumar is an assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Delhi, India.
The return of US president-elect Donald Trump to the White House has injected a new wave of anxiety across the Taiwan Strait. For Taiwan, an island whose very survival depends on the delicate and strategic support from the US, Trump’s election victory raises a cascade of questions and fears about what lies ahead. His approach to international relations — grounded in transactional and unpredictable policies — poses unique risks to Taiwan’s stability, economic prosperity and geopolitical standing. Trump’s first term left a complicated legacy in the region. On the one hand, his administration ramped up arms sales to Taiwan and sanctioned
The Taiwanese have proven to be resilient in the face of disasters and they have resisted continuing attempts to subordinate Taiwan to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Nonetheless, the Taiwanese can and should do more to become even more resilient and to be better prepared for resistance should the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) try to annex Taiwan. President William Lai (賴清德) argues that the Taiwanese should determine their own fate. This position continues the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) tradition of opposing the CCP’s annexation of Taiwan. Lai challenges the CCP’s narrative by stating that Taiwan is not subordinate to the
US president-elect Donald Trump is to return to the White House in January, but his second term would surely be different from the first. His Cabinet would not include former US secretary of state Mike Pompeo and former US national security adviser John Bolton, both outspoken supporters of Taiwan. Trump is expected to implement a transactionalist approach to Taiwan, including measures such as demanding that Taiwan pay a high “protection fee” or requiring that Taiwan’s military spending amount to at least 10 percent of its GDP. However, if the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) invades Taiwan, it is doubtful that Trump would dispatch
World leaders are preparing themselves for a second Donald Trump presidency. Some leaders know more or less where he stands: Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy knows that a difficult negotiation process is about to be forced on his country, and the leaders of NATO countries would be well aware of being complacent about US military support with Trump in power. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would likely be feeling relief as the constraints placed on him by the US President Joe Biden administration would finally be released. However, for President William Lai (賴清德) the calculation is not simple. Trump has surrounded himself