Black-hearted blue and white
In 1885, just 10 years before Taiwan was ceded to Japan, French writer Emile Zola published his novel, Germinal. Depicting a coal miners’ strike in northern France in the 1860s, the novel was serialized from Nov. 26, 1884, in the periodical Gil Blas.
In 1906, when Taiwan was a Japanese colony, coal miner Lai Wan-fa (賴萬發) asked the coal mine owner to let him build a hut. Along with his fellow miners, Lai started the construction of a hut in Chungfu in Wanli District (萬里). These workers gathered materials from trees, bamboo and thatch, and completed the hut by themselves. Lai was the grandfather of Democratic Progressive Party presidential candidate Vice President William Lai (賴清德).
After years, the hut was dilapidated and torn up due to typhoons. William Lai’s father, Lai Chao-chin (賴朝金), renovated and reconstructed the hut with more solid materials. The hut became a brick house. On Feb. 15, 1958, this house was registered as “No. 7, Fifth Neighborhood, Chungfu,” with Lai’s occupation recorded as “coal miner.” The entire neighborhood consisted of coal miners’ houses. Those buildings were legitimate and later registered as houses on “No. 85, Chungfu Road.”
On Jan. 8, 1960, Lai Chao-chin was working in Wanli’s Chungfu coal mine when an accident happened. He died from carbon monoxide poisoning. He was only 33 years old. When Lai Chao-chin passed away, William Lai was only 95 days old. Lai had lived on Chungfu Road since he was born. After passing his college entrance exam, he moved away and lived in a National Taiwan University dormitory.
In 1975, Taiwanese agencies started using zoning in urban planning and land management. The area where Lai’s old house sits was listed as a “mining area.” Meanwhile, the Mining Act (礦業法) was not revised. As a result, more than 2,000 houses in that “mining area” and their owners have been left in a legal gray area. No existing law or mechanism could be applied to manage those buildings. On the other hand, in military dependents’ villages, the same situation happened in the 1960s and 1970s, when the residents there were accused of having occupied public land for years. The government helped them out with taxpayer money. Military dependents’ village residents were able to receive subsidies and reconstruct their houses in densely populated metropolitan areas. The coal miners were in an entirely different bind. The government, be it blue or green, did not care much about their houses and livelihood.
Zola’s Germinal is about the strike in the French coal mining town of Montsou. In February 1884, a coal miners’ strike was launched in Anzin. On the third day of the strike, Zola visited the coal mining town, recording what happened in detail, paying great attention to all the incidents occurring in relation to the strike. Zola also joined in the workers’ union and meetings, getting to know union leaders and living in miners’ shabby houses. He drank gin with workers and went down into the mining areas to get a glimpse of the miners’ working conditions.
Zola returned to Paris to write Germinal. The most common adjective used in the novel was “black.” He described that due to the coal and ash, there was an utter blackness inside and outside the mines; miners are black all over; their spit is black and so is their blood when they die. Zola illustrated the hardship and misery of coal miners in Germinal, which he used to accuse capitalists and the government of brutal exploitation.
Today in Taiwan, coal miners are experiencing exploitation for the second time. They were exploited by capitalists and the government 117 years ago and are now being bullied by blue and white camp politicians. Those politicians, out of their own interests, are demanding that the son of a coal miner demolish a building left by his father and grandfather. Justice is yet to come.
Liu Chien-lin
Taipei
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
“I compare the Communist Party to my mother,” sings a student at a boarding school in a Tibetan region of China’s Qinghai province. “If faith has a color,” others at a different school sing, “it would surely be Chinese red.” In a major story for the New York Times this month, Chris Buckley wrote about the forced placement of hundreds of thousands of Tibetan children in boarding schools, where many suffer physical and psychological abuse. Separating these children from their families, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aims to substitute itself for their parents and for their religion. Buckley’s reporting is
Last week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), together holding more than half of the legislative seats, cut about NT$94 billion (US$2.85 billion) from the yearly budget. The cuts include 60 percent of the government’s advertising budget, 10 percent of administrative expenses, 3 percent of the military budget, and 60 percent of the international travel, overseas education and training allowances. In addition, the two parties have proposed freezing the budgets of many ministries and departments, including NT$1.8 billion from the Ministry of National Defense’s Indigenous Defense Submarine program — 90 percent of the program’s proposed