China’s paper sanctions
In the current political arena, economic sanctions and trade embargoes have become a common way for governments to show their political stance or apply pressure on other nations.
However, Beijing’s actions usually do not match its words when it comes to sanctions, and its hypocritical behavior soon becomes a joke when the principle is applied to real life, such as when China imposed bans on Australian lobsters and Japanese beef.
When China announced that it would suspend imports of Japanese wagyu due to concerns over mad cow disease, it should have dealt a huge blow to Japan’s agriculture sector.
Although Cambodia’s population is predominantly Buddhist, and refrain from killing or consuming beef, trade data show that over the years, it has not only been importing high-class Japanese wagyu, but the number continues to climb. In 2021, Japan’s wagyu exports to Cambodia reached a record high. Presumably, wagyu has found its way into the Chinese market using Cambodia as a “transit station.”
A few years later, Japan’s wagyu exports to Cambodia plummeted. It seems the cat was out of the bag and the Chinese government had learned about the “entrepot trade” business. While the truth might be more complicated, there is no denying that “Cambodia-grown” wagyu is still a massive hit on dinner tables, showing just how hypocritical Chinese officials are, despite the policy they themselves set in place.
Wagyu is not the only “blacklisted” item. As relations between Canberra and Beijing have been in free fall for the past few years, China imposed a near-total import ban on Australian lobsters in 2020, which was part of a broader politically charged “shadow trade war.” Nonetheless, the Australian lobster industry — worth about US$500 million a year — found its way into the gray market, particularly through Kinmen and Matsu.
Even though the Chinese government had banned Australian lobsters, private smuggling was in full swing to satisfy Chinese demand. Whenever the Lunar New Year arrives, these “contraband” goods sell out like hot cakes. This is classic Chinese hypocrisy where politics and the economy are not in lockstep with each other.
Economic sanctions and trade embargoes can help make political statements, but the economic effectiveness of these measures are often questionable when put into practice. The shift and adjustment of trade direction, as well as consumer’s behavior, have made these policies less harsh than they promise to be.
In August, a wave of online harassment and vitriol directed at Japan following the release of treated radioactive wastewater from the destroyed Fukushima Dai-ichi nuclear power plant sent tensions between Tokyo and Beijing soaring, triggering a wave of Chinese boycotts of Japanese products. Even though Beijing did not set rules restricting imports of these goods, the Chinese public still avoided Japanese imports under the “boycott” banner.
From the examples of beef and lobsters, Japanese seafood has probably made its way to Chinese dinner tables. After all, economic profits are far more alluring than the pursuit of political ideology.
Chueh Li
Taipei
The return of US president-elect Donald Trump to the White House has injected a new wave of anxiety across the Taiwan Strait. For Taiwan, an island whose very survival depends on the delicate and strategic support from the US, Trump’s election victory raises a cascade of questions and fears about what lies ahead. His approach to international relations — grounded in transactional and unpredictable policies — poses unique risks to Taiwan’s stability, economic prosperity and geopolitical standing. Trump’s first term left a complicated legacy in the region. On the one hand, his administration ramped up arms sales to Taiwan and sanctioned
The US election result will significantly impact its foreign policy with global implications. As tensions escalate in the Taiwan Strait and conflicts elsewhere draw attention away from the western Pacific, Taiwan was closely monitoring the election, as many believe that whoever won would confront an increasingly assertive China, especially with speculation over a potential escalation in or around 2027. A second Donald Trump presidency naturally raises questions concerning the future of US policy toward China and Taiwan, with Trump displaying mixed signals as to his position on the cross-strait conflict. US foreign policy would also depend on Trump’s Cabinet and
The Taiwanese have proven to be resilient in the face of disasters and they have resisted continuing attempts to subordinate Taiwan to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Nonetheless, the Taiwanese can and should do more to become even more resilient and to be better prepared for resistance should the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) try to annex Taiwan. President William Lai (賴清德) argues that the Taiwanese should determine their own fate. This position continues the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) tradition of opposing the CCP’s annexation of Taiwan. Lai challenges the CCP’s narrative by stating that Taiwan is not subordinate to the
Republican candidate and former US president Donald Trump is to be the 47th president of the US after beating his Democratic rival, US Vice President Kamala Harris, in the election on Tuesday. Trump’s thumping victory — winning 295 Electoral College votes against Harris’ 226 as of press time last night, along with the Republicans winning control of the US Senate and possibly the House of Representatives — is a remarkable political comeback from his 2020 defeat to US President Joe Biden, and means Trump has a strong political mandate to implement his agenda. What does Trump’s victory mean for Taiwan, Asia, deterrence