Hon Hai Group founder Terry Gou (郭台銘) is not yet a player in next year’s presidential election — which is taking on the look of a game of chess — yet he is keeping himself very busy with it.
In contrast, New Taipei City Mayor Hou You-yi (侯友宜) has been nominated by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) as its presidential candidate, but he keeps running into brick walls.
The KMT’s pawns are scattered and the loyalty of its major chess pieces is doubtful.
Meanwhile, China is acting behind the scenes, deploying its “united front” tactics. Its roughshod methods show how few Taiwanese support the idea of “one China.”
The election chess game highlights the sharpening diplomatic contest between Taiwan and China, with Taiwan’s asymmetric diplomacy gaining ground while China’s fierce “wolf warrior” diplomacy is on the retreat. Both sides are consolidating their international relations and dealing with the issue of Taiwan’s status, which is a leftover of the 1951 Treaty of Peace with Japan, also known as the San Francisco Peace Treaty.
China’s claim to sovereignty over Taiwan on the grounds that Taiwan has belonged to China “since ancient times” lacks sufficient legal basis. Nonetheless, in bilateral relations, China insists on recognition of its “one China” principle and is not afraid to misuse UN General Assembly Resolution 2758.
However, the most powerful legal instrument China could have to gain sovereignty over Taiwan would be for Taipei to accept that it is part of China.
In view of this, China’s interference in Taiwan’s general election is aimed at fostering “fellow travelers” who advocate the idea of “one China.”
Taiwan’s firm refusal to be legally annexed by China, and its insistence on democratic principles and fulfilling the original intent of the San Francisco Peace Treaty have won the support of the world’s democratic camp. In effect, it has established that there is one Taiwan, and that the People’s Republic of China is not a part of Taiwan.
Democratic countries, including the signatory nations of the San Francisco Peace Treaty, have rallied to support Taiwan and oppose China’s attempts to change the “status quo” through military force.
Having run into brick walls in the international community, China wants to use its supporters and “fellow travelers” in Taiwan to win the presidential election, and impose the bogus “1992 consensus” and “one China principle” which it thinks would allow it to inherit sovereignty over Taiwan.
In other words, anyone who votes for a political party or politician who accepts the idea of “one China” would be betraying Taiwan.
In the line-up for next year’s election, Hou, Taiwan People’s Party Chairman Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) and potential candidate Gou all follow the “one China” line. Gou takes it a step further by acting as a relay for Chinese propaganda, threatening Taiwan with the prospect of war and calling for “taking down” the Democratic Progressive Party, which does not accept the “one China” idea.
Gou has no room to maneuver on the board. The only way for him to be in the game would be to team up with Hou as his vice presidential candidate.
If Gou can bear to be the shrimp instead of the big fish, it would give the KMT the “mainlander” element that it lacks in its bid to achieve “unity.”
Domineering as Gou might be, it would not be surprising if he were to settle for a Hou-Gou ticket. As well as comforting the “mainlander pan-blues,” it would also allow KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) to say he has gone all-out for unity.
James Wang is a media commentator.
Translated by Julian Clegg
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,