Vice President William Lai (賴清德), the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) presidential candidate, proposed three main objectives for judicial reform during a meeting with lawyers of his campaign support group. Other presidential candidates will have to deal with this issue as well. As early as the administration of former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), judicial reform has always been a key issue.
There is no panacea for all judicial problems. When settling a legal dispute or a lawsuit, it is impossible to satisfy everyone. There would always be a winner and a loser. Society has become even more complex, giving rise to all types of disputes. If a pedestrian is injured by a robot, who should be held responsible? The manufacturer? The user? Or the robot’s owner?
Universities have started to offer courses on these issues. The judiciary should not wait until an incident occurs. This is why judicial reform has to be a constant process. It needs to keep up with the times and move forward.
Today, the public finds fault with the judiciary for these reasons: incorrect rulings that have led to a lack of public trust; investigations and trials that are slow and prolonged; the involvement of external factors or interests that influence the courts’ stance.
Victims understandably lose patience, with many realizing the truth of the saying that one should avoid going to court because it could all be for nought.
However, people are sometimes left with no choice but to take a dispute to court, be it a neighbors’ feud, a car accident or other unpredictable altercations. As in the case of medicine, laws should be understood as a preventive solution. Laws are for everyone, as all of us might one day be involved in a dispute in our daily lives. It is hence significantly important to educate the public on legal matters, and legal services should be offered extensively for all.
Like medicine, people take preventive measures to stay healthy and avoid exorbitant medical expenses. Similarly, if ordinary people have some basic understanding of how the legal system works, they would know that there is a six-month limit on filing a complaint or to avoid vaguely worded contracts. Many people know hardly a thing about the law, and when they lose a lawsuit, they often blame prosecutors or judges.
In addition, institutionalizing a system for appointing expert witnesses could better address social changes and reduce the time needed to resolve a case. Delays in judgements and investigations could be avoided, and prevent external forces or money from influencing and abusing the system.
Rome was not built in a day. The law must be amended so that experts can enter the courts and help judges discover the truth. In doing so, judgements can be accurately made without delay, and people’s trust in the judicial system would be restored.
Chuang Sheng-rong is a lawyer.
Translated by Emma Liu
China’s supreme objective in a war across the Taiwan Strait is to incorporate Taiwan as a province of the People’s Republic. It follows, therefore, that international recognition of Taiwan’s de jure independence is a consummation that China’s leaders devoutly wish to avoid. By the same token, an American strategy to deny China that objective would complicate Beijing’s calculus and deter large-scale hostilities. For decades, China has cautioned “independence means war.” The opposite is also true: “war means independence.” A comprehensive strategy of denial would guarantee an outcome of de jure independence for Taiwan in the event of Chinese invasion or
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) earlier this month said it is necessary for her to meet with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) and it would be a “huge boost” to the party’s local election results in November, but many KMT members have expressed different opinions, indicating a struggle between different groups in the party. Since Cheng was elected as party chairwoman in October last year, she has repeatedly expressed support for increased exchanges with China, saying that it would bring peace and prosperity to Taiwan, and that a meeting with Xi in Beijing takes priority over meeting
The political order of former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) first took shape in 1988. Then-vice president Lee succeeded former president Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) after he passed, and served out the remainder of his term in office. In 1990, Lee was elected president by the National Assembly, and in 1996, he won Taiwan’s first direct presidential election. Those two, six and four-year terms were an era-defining 12-year presidential tenure. Throughout those years, Lee served as helmsman for Taiwan’s transition from martial law and authoritarianism to democracy. This period came to be known as the “quiet revolution,” leaving a legacy containing light
Taiwan no longer wants to merely manufacture the chips that power artificial intelligence (AI). It aims to build the software, platforms and services that run on them. Ten major AI infrastructure projects, a national cloud computing center in Tainan, the sovereign language model Trustworthy AI Dialogue Engine, five targeted industry verticals — from precision medicine to smart agriculture — and the goal of ranking among the world’s top five in computing power by 2040: The roadmap from “Silicon Island” to “Smart Island” is drawn. The question is whether the western plains, where population, industry and farmland are concentrated, have the water and