On the evening of March 18, 2014, crowds of students and other protesters occupied the Legislative Yuan in Taipei, demanding that the government conduct a clause-by-clause review of a proposed Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement. The pact aimed to further ease trade restrictions between the two sides, with Beijing opening 80 market segments and Taipei liberalizing 64 industries.
However, the proposal sparked concerns that it would only benefit large firms, while devastating small and medium-sized businesses and eroding wages. As the affected industries were wide-ranging — including media, cultural and financial services — there was fear that it could lay the groundwork for eventual political unification with China.
Outside the legislature, hundreds of supporters sat in silent protest, including a National Taiwan University Hospital doctor named Ko Wen-je (柯文哲).
The 2014 protest, later dubbed the Sunflower movement, set off a political tidal wave, unleashing a wave of social movements and inspiring youth activism that continue to shape Taiwanese politics, and gave birth to a number of “third force” political parties such as the New Power Party and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP).
Fast forward to the present day, TPP founder, chairman and presidential candidate Ko seems to have had a change of heart. Ko recently said in a policy white paper that if elected, he would restart talks on the trade pact to promote closer economic integration with China. His statement has been met with a backlash, with some accusing him of pandering to the pan-blue camp, while others condemned him for betraying the principles that the Sunflower movement fought for.
That Ko is a capricious political chameleon is nothing new, but his rapid ascent in the presidential polls, enabling him to overtake New Taipei City Mayor Hou You-yi (侯友宜), the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) candidate, is remarkable. The question is what does Ko represent and what does he hope to gain in pushing the proposed cross-strait trade pact?
As a political star born out of the Sunflower movement, Ko has created an image of a fresh, straight-talking politician that appeals to the younger generation. However, instead of stepping up on social justice or equality, which defined his appeal in the earlier days, Ko has opted for a right-wing populist approach with his talk of relaunching the trade pact.
With countries around the world seeking ways to decouple from China, its struggling economy would bring Taiwan far fewer advantages than a decade earlier, not to mention that its high youth unemployment could drive Chinese workers to compete with Taiwanese if the pact is ratified. Given that there has been a major shift in global geopolitical relations and as cross-strait tensions continue to escalate, concerns about Chinese infiltration of communication services pose a bigger threat than before.
Perhaps Ko’s real motive is not about restarting talks about the pact, but to open the gate to cross-strait negotiations. He is hoping that this would project him as the one candidate who is willing to talk to Beijing. On the one hand, he is courting Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) approval and, on the other, snatching up pro-KMT followers and marginalizing Hou. While Ko claimed that he was only seeking procedural justice back then, he has inarguably reopened a shelved treaty for his own political interests and reputation.
For his supporters, Ko and his party represent a third alternative that would neither seek war (unlike the DPP) nor appeasement (unlike the KMT) with China. As the DPP has been in power for seven years, some are hoping for a change in party. By this logic, Ko is a neutral or better choice that voters could come to terms with. As the chances of Ko becoming president is no longer nil, the DPP and the KMT better watch out and tread carefully.
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