The presidential election is to be held concurrently with the legislative elections in January next year. While former president Chen Shui-bian’s (陳水扁) administration was fraught with challenges, as he never commanded a legislative majority, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) did not have this problem. In her two terms in office, she has been able to carry out her vision and policies and thereby bear full responsibility for her performance. As a result, the public is not only waiting on tenterhooks to see the results of the presidential election, but also whether the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) will be able to hold on to its majority.
Compared with local elections, legislative elections use a single-district system, meaning that if there are two or more candidates vying for a position, a candidate needs an absolute majority of votes to win the seat.
So far, the DPP’s presidential nominee, Vice President William Lai (賴清德), holds a lead in the polls, but his support ratings still hover at about 30 to 40 percent without topping 50 percent, while support for the DPP varies from city to city. Therefore, the party would have to be inclusive, flexible and creative in its choice of legislative nominees if it hopes to command a majority in the legislature.
The DPP’s nomination committee has organized “a democratic coalition” in New Taipei City by nominating nonparty member candidates, such as former Sunflower movement leader Wu Cheng (吳崢), independent New Taipei City Councilor Tseng Po-yu (曾柏瑜) and former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) member Lee Cheng-hao (李正皓), a proposal that has triggered dissatisfaction within the party.
For pro-Taiwan supporters, the three might not be bad choices as they have respectively played a role in pushing for pro-Taiwanese values.
Wu started in politics with eloquent television interviews regarding his participation in the Sunflower movement in 2014.
The grandchild of a subordinate of former National Revolutionary Army and Republic of China (ROC) Army general Hu Tsung-nan (胡宗南), Wu said that after realizing the truth about the KMT’s deception and empty promises, he dedicated himself to pro-Taiwan movements. In many ways, the pan-green camp already considers Wu an “insider.”
Tseng worked her way up from New Taipei City’s Sindian District (新店) and has always been a strong advocate of pro-Taiwanese values.
As Tseng and Wu belonged to minor parties in the past, they have not had success in the political arena without enough campaign staff to help them make up for their inexperience. If the DPP could provide them with senior personnel and other resources, they should be able to get a leg up on their campaigns for next year’s elections.
The figure who has stirred up the most controversy and rebuke is Lee.
He made his political debut when he launched the “straw boots coalition” (草鞋聯盟) in the KMT and proposed removing the word “Chinese” from the party’s name. He was expelled for criticizing former Kaohsiung mayor Han Kuo-yu (韓國瑜).
If an ex-KMT member can enter the race and convert pro-ROC supporters to put their ideology aside and dive into the pro-green camp, it would be an accomplishment.
The DPP’s nomination for “the democratic coalition” has followed open procedures set down by the party. During an interview, Lai has said that nominees for “tight race” districts that have not secured 42.5 percent of votes in the last legislative election would be enlisted.
As Legislator Chiang Yung-chang (江永昌) is no longer running for another term to represent New Taipei City’s Eighth Electoral District (Jhonghe, 中和), the DPP needs a fresh nominee. With a new spot up for grabs, its nomination committee would put forward three names and let the chairman make the final call.
For northern Taiwan, the DPP’s nomination team includes Lin Chia-lung (林佳龍), Tuan Yi-kang (段宜康), Lo Chih-cheng (羅致政) and Wu Ping-jui (吳秉叡). As they are all experienced politicians, well-versed in election campaigns, their proposed candidates have been chosen based on a broad political vision and picked in the hopes that they can garner across-the-board support, especially those running against China’s unification agenda.
Lai would set a good example for his party by adopting established procedures and respecting the nomination committee’s choices.
It takes risks to secure a victory by surprise, so it is understandable that an unconventional slate of nominees would be met with a backlash. However, sometimes with political campaigns, playing it safe is the riskier route. For the moment, the nomination committee’s determination to secure a victory is commendable. If the nominees cannot attract as many votes as the DPP hopes, that would be addressed in a post-election review followed by some soul-searching.
Tommy Lin is director of Wu Fu Eye Clinic and president of the Formosa Republican Association.
Translated by Rita Wang
Concerns that the US might abandon Taiwan are often overstated. While US President Donald Trump’s handling of Ukraine raised unease in Taiwan, it is crucial to recognize that Taiwan is not Ukraine. Under Trump, the US views Ukraine largely as a European problem, whereas the Indo-Pacific region remains its primary geopolitical focus. Taipei holds immense strategic value for Washington and is unlikely to be treated as a bargaining chip in US-China relations. Trump’s vision of “making America great again” would be directly undermined by any move to abandon Taiwan. Despite the rhetoric of “America First,” the Trump administration understands the necessity of
US President Donald Trump’s challenge to domestic American economic-political priorities, and abroad to the global balance of power, are not a threat to the security of Taiwan. Trump’s success can go far to contain the real threat — the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) surge to hegemony — while offering expanded defensive opportunities for Taiwan. In a stunning affirmation of the CCP policy of “forceful reunification,” an obscene euphemism for the invasion of Taiwan and the destruction of its democracy, on March 13, 2024, the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) used Chinese social media platforms to show the first-time linkage of three new
If you had a vision of the future where China did not dominate the global car industry, you can kiss those dreams goodbye. That is because US President Donald Trump’s promised 25 percent tariff on auto imports takes an ax to the only bits of the emerging electric vehicle (EV) supply chain that are not already dominated by Beijing. The biggest losers when the levies take effect this week would be Japan and South Korea. They account for one-third of the cars imported into the US, and as much as two-thirds of those imported from outside North America. (Mexico and Canada, while
I have heard people equate the government’s stance on resisting forced unification with China or the conditional reinstatement of the military court system with the rise of the Nazis before World War II. The comparison is absurd. There is no meaningful parallel between the government and Nazi Germany, nor does such a mindset exist within the general public in Taiwan. It is important to remember that the German public bore some responsibility for the horrors of the Holocaust. Post-World War II Germany’s transitional justice efforts were rooted in a national reckoning and introspection. Many Jews were sent to concentration camps not
RSS