Taiwan and the US have a long-standing partnership when it comes to defense cooperation. This has led to improved regional defense capabilities, enhanced interoperability, strengthened deterrence, economic benefits for both sides and, most importantly, it has helped ensure the security and stability of the Asia-Pacific region.
The geopolitical situation in the region has created an urgency for defense industrial cooperation between Taiwan and the US. The Chinese People’s Liberation Army has extended its “gray-zone operations” by conducting close reconnaissance drone flights around Taiwan’s remote islands and outposts, as well as entering the nation’s air defense identification zone. Recent air patrol activities encircling Taiwan and naval exercises southwest of Japan’s Okinawa have become the “new norm” of increasing pressure on Taipei and Tokyo.
Facing such hostile and threating actions, Taiwan needs a paradigm shift in defense industry cooperation and to quickly develop asymmetric tactics.
In 2016, during her first term, President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) declared a transformational policy for Taiwan’s defense industry, namely: “Industrializing national defense and industry serving national defense.” She also laid out a framework for Taiwan to invest in “five plus two” critical high-tech industries as a national industry development strategy. The uncrewed aerial vehicles (UAV) sector is one of the industries identified by her framework.
The advantages of enhancing defense industry cooperation with the US are numerous. It would lead to shared knowledge, skills and technology, which would improve the capabilities on both sides. Increased cooperation could also lead to the development of new and more advanced defense technologies, as well as improved interoperability, which would enable more effective joint operations.
Perhaps most importantly, increased cooperation would send a strong message to potential adversaries, deterring them from taking aggressive action against Taiwan.
The defense industry has played a key role in the partnership, with US defense companies looking at providing advanced technology and equipment to Taiwan’s military.
In addition to direct sales of equipment and technology, Taiwan and the US have engaged in joint research and development projects aimed at developing advanced defense technologies. These collaborations have focused on areas such as missile defense, cybersecurity, UAVs and counter-UAV systems.
Compared with conventional weapon systems, UAVs have the advantages of being distributive, agile, decentralized and disposable. They can be mass-produced locally, enhancing domestic capabilities in asymmetric warfare.
UAVs and supporting systems, including artificial intelligence (AI)-based image-processing software, are cost-effective systems that offer several advantages for national defense. Their surveillance capabilities help military personnel identify potential threats, monitor borders and track the movements of enemy forces. UAVs can be armed with missiles or other weapons, allowing them to carry out precision strikes against enemy targets, thus reducing the risk of civilian casualties and minimizing collateral damage.
From a tactical standpoint, UAVs can be used in a wide range of military operations, including reconnaissance, surveillance and combat missions, as well as in situations where it would be too dangerous or difficult to send in crewed aircraft or ground troops.
For the benefit of regional stability, Taiwan and the US could expand UAV development, production and training in several ways:
First, Taiwan and the US could collaborate on research and development projects to develop advanced UAV technologies. This could include developing new sensors and payloads, as well as improving the autonomy and intelligence of UAVs.
Second, the US could provide increased training and support to Taiwan’s military personnel on the operation and maintenance of UAVs. This could include joint training exercises, and the exchange of personnel for training and observation.
Third, the US could also sell advanced UAVs to Taiwan, which would help Taiwan develop its own UAV capabilities and enhance its defense capabilities. This could include the sale of armed UAVs, which would provide Taiwan with an additional capability to defend against potential threats.
Fourth, the US could transfer UAV technology to Taiwan, which would allow the nation to develop and manufacture its own UAV industry and enhance its self-sufficiency in times of crisis. This could include technology related to UAV sensors, software and control systems.
Fifth, given the potential for UAVs to be hacked or intercepted, the two nations could collaborate on cybersecurity and encryption technologies to protect UAV operations and data. This could include the development of secure communications and encryption algorithms.
Sixth, UAVs have become increasingly sophisticated in the past few years and AI technologies have played a significant role in their development. In areas such as computer vision, machine learning, autonomous decisionmaking and swarm intelligence, deepening technology cooperation would boost Taiwan’s defense capabilities.
Seventh, UAV defense systems typically consist of subsystems that work together to detect, track and neutralize hostile UAVs. Collaborative integration of the subsystems would provide Taiwan with real-time situational awareness and decision support, as well as automated response options.
The aim of Taiwan-US defense industry cooperation is to reinforce collective security and defense capabilities on the “first island chain,” helping to prevent a breach of the Indo-Pacific safety net.
There are several ways that Taipei and Washington could take defense industry cooperation to the next level:
First, increase the scope of joint research and development projects in areas such as AI, robotics and space technology.
Second, the US could provide greater support to Taiwan’s defense industry by investing in local companies or establishing joint ventures. This could help strengthen Taiwan’s domestic defense capabilities and reduce its dependence on foreign suppliers in times of crisis.
Third, the two sides could deepen military-to-military ties by increasing joint training and exercises, and by establishing more exchange programs for military personnel. This would help enhance interoperability between the two countries’ armed forces and improve their ability to work together in the event of a crisis.
Fourth, the US could approve the sale of more advanced weapons systems to Taiwan, such as F-35 jets and Tomahawk cruise missiles, which would strengthen Taiwan’s defense capabilities.
Fifth, given the growing importance of cybersecurity in modern warfare, Taiwan and the US could share information and best practices, and collaborate on joint cybersecurity initiatives.
A key to success to take defense industrial cooperation to the next level is for US defense industry organizations to select the most efficient organizations in Taiwan with the highest technological capabilities as partners. In modern Taiwan, that means private industry. There are myriad examples of private industries branching out from their government roots to grow into world-class, highly efficient, stable enterprises.
Taking Taiwan-US defense industry cooperation to the next level requires a concerted effort from both countries to deepen their partnership and expand the scope of their collaboration. UAV development and military implementations are probably the quickest and most efficient methods to achieve resilient national security. With the most efficient organizations from both sides working together on joint research and development, increasing investment in Taiwan’s defense industry, strengthening military-to-military ties, expanding defense sales to Taiwan and enhancing cybersecurity cooperation, the two nations can develop advanced capabilities that would enhance mutual defense competitiveness, and boost regional stability.
Max Lo is chairman of the Taiwan National Drone Industry Association.
The return of US president-elect Donald Trump to the White House has injected a new wave of anxiety across the Taiwan Strait. For Taiwan, an island whose very survival depends on the delicate and strategic support from the US, Trump’s election victory raises a cascade of questions and fears about what lies ahead. His approach to international relations — grounded in transactional and unpredictable policies — poses unique risks to Taiwan’s stability, economic prosperity and geopolitical standing. Trump’s first term left a complicated legacy in the region. On the one hand, his administration ramped up arms sales to Taiwan and sanctioned
The Taiwanese have proven to be resilient in the face of disasters and they have resisted continuing attempts to subordinate Taiwan to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Nonetheless, the Taiwanese can and should do more to become even more resilient and to be better prepared for resistance should the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) try to annex Taiwan. President William Lai (賴清德) argues that the Taiwanese should determine their own fate. This position continues the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) tradition of opposing the CCP’s annexation of Taiwan. Lai challenges the CCP’s narrative by stating that Taiwan is not subordinate to the
US president-elect Donald Trump is to return to the White House in January, but his second term would surely be different from the first. His Cabinet would not include former US secretary of state Mike Pompeo and former US national security adviser John Bolton, both outspoken supporters of Taiwan. Trump is expected to implement a transactionalist approach to Taiwan, including measures such as demanding that Taiwan pay a high “protection fee” or requiring that Taiwan’s military spending amount to at least 10 percent of its GDP. However, if the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) invades Taiwan, it is doubtful that Trump would dispatch
World leaders are preparing themselves for a second Donald Trump presidency. Some leaders know more or less where he stands: Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy knows that a difficult negotiation process is about to be forced on his country, and the leaders of NATO countries would be well aware of being complacent about US military support with Trump in power. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would likely be feeling relief as the constraints placed on him by the US President Joe Biden administration would finally be released. However, for President William Lai (賴清德) the calculation is not simple. Trump has surrounded himself