Taiwanese got a nasty surprise on Sunday as French President Emmanuel Macron, in the air on his way home from Guangzhou, China, sparked controversy by saying in an interview that Europe must avoid getting caught up in crises that are not its own. This was in clear reference to Taiwan.
After a run of good developments recently, this capped a bad week for Taipei, coming on top of the EU deciding not to move forward with a bilateral investment agreement.
Yet what do Macron’s comments actually mean for Taiwan?
It is important to ground one’s understanding here: What Macron said does not represent a change in policy for France, which no-one expects to help defend Taiwan against Chinese aggression. Nor is it obvious that he is suggesting France would not join European sanctions against China, especially given his comments on European unity (more on this later).
France has been, and still is, a good friend to Taiwan. Even as Macron was speaking, French-built frigates and jets patrolled the Strait, helping to keep Taiwan safe. France is also a Pacific country with more than half a million citizens living in New Caledonia and French Polynesia — it has direct security interests in the region.
However, it is also true that these comments are some of the most negative and damaging to come from a European leader in recent years, which have been characterized by friendliness toward Taiwan and a guarded attitude toward China. Beijing is certain to publicly interpret them as recognition of its sovereignty claims.
No one knows what Macron said in private to Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平), but it seems likely that at best he will be seen as showing a lack of resolve and at worse a lack of interest in Taiwan’s security.
Given that Europe has been steadfast in its allyship of Ukraine, Beijing has shown a renewed interest in driving a wedge between Brussels and Washington, explaining Chinese support for European “strategic autonomy.” The goal here is not only to weaken the US’ standing in the world, but also to reduce the scope and scale of European sanctions on China in the worst-case scenario.
Taiwanese have the right to be angry over these comments, especially given the high level of support they have shown for Ukraine, helping Europe in a crisis “that is not their own.”
Nevertheless, Taiwan should not overreact. Looking insecure does not help with security. There are some simple steps that can be taken. Taipei will have already spoken to the French representative, seeking clarification.
Taiwan’s engagement and support for Europe should be reiterated privately and publicly. Taipei might also look for a way to “boost the signal” regarding its support for Ukraine, but this should be done carefully and genuinely. Ukrainians and their freedom are not a pawn — Taiwanese understand this better than most.
Overreactions and pressure from other corners are inevitable and welcome in this case.
Europe needs to continue to engage with China productively — serious analysis should not dispute this.
However, if the EU wants to be a superpower, especially a standard-setting one, it needs to remember that the most powerful standards of all are liberte, egalite and fraternite, and should consider the cost of not exemplifying them when it matters.
As for Macron, true European strategic autonomy, in defense of European interests, is welcome.
However, he should consider whether France can truly sustain a “friendship” with China over the next three decades. History is seldom kind to the authors of failed resets.
Joshua Wilkes is a graduate student at the National Sun Yat-sen University College of Social Sciences.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,