In response to the increasing competition and confrontation between the US and China, the US military has been strengthening its deterrence against its Asian rival.
Notably, to strengthen the defense of the western Pacific first island chain, the US has quietly allowed Taiwan, Japan and South Korea to develop their indigenous cruise or ballistic missiles with a range of more than 1,000km.
As well as strengthening these three countries’ defense capabilities, this development shows how their geographical location allows them to work closely with the US’ national security agencies.
For example, South Korea has long been threatened by North Korea’s nuclear weapons. In recent years, with the assistance of the US as well as its own diligent research and development efforts, South Korea has developed the Hyunmoo missile series.
Among the four types of missile in the series, the Hyunmoo-3 has a range of up to 3,000km, which is more than enough to reach anywhere in the Korean Peninsula. As for the Hyunmoo-4, its ability to carry an earth-penetrating warhead gives it a strong deterrent effect against North Korea’s underground missile and nuclear weapons facilities.
Taiwan has for decades been under military threat from China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA). In the early years, due to its own technical limitations as well as restrictions imposed by the US, Taiwan did not have the military hardware needed to carry out attacks at source — pre-emptive strikes.
However, times have changed. Thanks to years of effort by Taiwan’s armed forces, plus the intensified strategic rivalry between the US and China, the armed forces are reportedly in possession of the Hsiung Feng IIE cruise missile, whose 1,000km range is a deterrent against the PLA.
Japan is the US’ most important ally in the Asia-Pacific region, but it has in recent years suffered increasingly frequent harassment by the PLA.
To maintain its basic power of national defense, Japan plans to modify its existing Type 12 surface-to-ship missile by extending its range from 200km to 1,500km.
This would not only defend its southwestern islands, but also help lessen the US’ burden of defending the first island chain.
Faced with China’s increasing military threat and its continued challenge to the longstanding US-dominated order in the first and second island chains, the US is not only striving to widen its lead over the PLA in military technology, but has also tacitly allowed Taiwan, Japan and South Korea to possess or develop cruise or ballistic missiles with a range of more than 1,000km.
The geostrategic position of these three countries has risen amid the intensified rivalry between the US and China.
Ray Song is a doctoral student at Tamkang University’s Institute of International Affairs and Strategic Studies.
Translated by Julian Clegg
A return to power for former US president Donald Trump would pose grave risks to Taiwan’s security, autonomy and the broader stability of the Indo-Pacific region. The stakes have never been higher as China aggressively escalates its pressure on Taiwan, deploying economic, military and psychological tactics aimed at subjugating the nation under Beijing’s control. The US has long acted as Taiwan’s foremost security partner, a bulwark against Chinese expansionism in the region. However, a second Trump presidency could upend decades of US commitments, introducing unpredictability that could embolden Beijing and severely compromise Taiwan’s position. While president, Trump’s foreign policy reflected a transactional
There appears to be a growing view among leaders and leading thinkers in Taiwan that their words and actions have no influence over how China approaches cross-Strait relations. According to this logic, China’s actions toward Taiwan are guided by China’s unwavering ambition to assert control over Taiwan. Many also believe Beijing’s approach is influenced by China’s domestic politics. As the thinking goes, former President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) made a good faith effort to demonstrate her moderation on cross-Strait issues throughout her tenure. During her 2016 inaugural address, Tsai sent several constructive signals, including by acknowledging the historical fact of interactions and
Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) has prioritized modernizing the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to rival the US military, with many experts believing he would not act on Taiwan until the PLA is fully prepared to confront US forces. At the Chinese Communist Party’s 20th Party Congress in 2022, Xi emphasized accelerating this modernization, setting 2027 — the PLA’s centennial — as the new target, replacing the previous 2035 goal. US intelligence agencies said that Xi has directed the PLA to be ready for a potential invasion of Taiwan by 2027, although no decision on launching an attack had been made. Whether
Taiwanese men doing their alternative military service within Taipei’s and Taichung’s Department of Compulsory Military Service independently reported outlandish incidents of brainwashing. Below is a story related to propagandizing as it manifests overseas. One of my Chinese friends and a group of Taiwanese friends set off together from Sydney, Australia, in a tour group to northern Europe. The travel agency arranged for a Chinese tour guide to lead the group. The guide would start off on a propaganda blitz every afternoon at a set time, singing the praises of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The Taiwanese members of the tour seemed
RSS