It is disconcerting to learn of employment scams in Cambodia, in which some Taiwanese were “sold,” sexually assaulted, locked up and beaten. There have even been reports of organ harvesting.
I believe this to be true after watching news reports showing Criminal Investigation Bureau officers at Taiwan Taoyuan International Airport trying to persuade Taiwanese jobseekers not to fly to Cambodia.
In southern Taiwan, a friend who is a police officer has asked borough wardens to warn residents through the local broadcasting system not to believe advertisements for high-paying jobs in Southeast Asia.
How should Taiwan eliminate these kinds of crimes, which fall outside of its jurisdiction?
Under the leadership of Premier Su Tseng-chang (蘇貞昌), the Cabinet has established an “anti-fraud national team” comprised of the Ministry of the Interior, the National Communications Commission (NCC), the Financial Supervisory Commission, the Ministry of Justice and other government agencies.
As the national team emphasized, governance of telecom networks, through which the jobs are advertised, is more challenging than traditional administrative assistance between government agencies.
With the establishment of the fraud team, the joint efforts of the NCC and the National Police Agency should result in fraud advertisements and online messages gradually disappearing domestically.
However, what should be done to collect intelligence from overseas, assist victims who are trying to return home and coordinate with international rescue organizations?
Taiwan’s embassies and consulates abroad are staffed with officials from government agencies who report directly to their own department heads. As they serve a minimum three-year term, they are useful in gathering information for the host countries and in dealing with official affairs.
I once met an overseas liaison officer the bureau had sent to Japan. I admired his understanding of Japanese police affairs, his work helping to resolve safety problems for Taiwanese in Japan and his ability to negotiate with Japanese police officers. To qualify for the job, such officers need to be cultivated and, most importantly, equipped with good negotiation skills, diligence and a sense of purpose.
It seems that Taiwan does not have a police liaison officer in Southeast Asia, except in Thailand, and of course, there is not any consulate or representative office, either. Once an emergency occurs to a Taiwanese in Southeast Asia, other than Thailand, they might not be able to find help.
This situation is unfavorable to the government’s New Southbound Policy. To improve this, it should make good use of Taiwanese businesspeople overseas.
Police liaison officers are less politically sensitive than other liaison officers from the diplomatic, legal, military and security agencies, as they are responsible for handling criminal affairs only. Because of this, it is common for police officers of different countries to make contact with one another via their shared channels.
To fulfill the needs of the New Southbound Policy, the bureau could set aside a budget to send its officers to Cambodia and other Southeast Asian countries through Taiwanese businesspeople overseas, so they can observe, develop personal networks and collect information.
With their experience in the field, strong physique and discipline, police liaison officers could be a low-cost diplomatic force.
Jeng Shann-yinn is a professor in Kainan University’s law department.
Translated by Eddy Chang
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing
A group of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers led by the party’s legislative caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (?) are to visit Beijing for four days this week, but some have questioned the timing and purpose of the visit, which demonstrates the KMT caucus’ increasing arrogance. Fu on Wednesday last week confirmed that following an invitation by Beijing, he would lead a group of lawmakers to China from Thursday to Sunday to discuss tourism and agricultural exports, but he refused to say whether they would meet with Chinese officials. That the visit is taking place during the legislative session and in the aftermath