The battle for Asia’s preeminent financial institution will be fought with the Federal Reserve providing ammunition — to both sides. Just how much profit each can squeeze out of US monetary tightening could end up deciding if Hong Kong’s biggest bank, HSBC Holdings PLC, stays whole and dominant. Or if Singapore’s largest lender, DBS Group Holdings Ltd, gets a shot at staging an upset.
Rising interest rates are shoring up net interest margins for banks everywhere. For the June quarter, Singapore’s DBS on Thursday reported a better-than-expected 7 percent jump from a year earlier in net income to S$1.82 billion (US$1.32 billion), with CEO Piyush Gupta garnering a return on equity of 13.4 percent.
Noel Quinn, his counterpart at HSBC, is only targeting a 12 percent-plus return on tangible equity by next year. While that would be the best performance for the London-headquartered lender since 2011, it might not be enough to quell demands by its largest shareholder, Ping An Insurance Group Co, to split off the Asian operations.
The call is finding increasing support among Hong Kong’s mom-and-pop shareholders, who are upset with dividends that are just half what they were in 2018 — after they were scrapped for a year under UK regulatory instructions in 2020 when the COVID-19 pandemic hit. Any breakup of the bank would put at risk the US$1.1 billion of first-half revenue that came from global banking and markets clients in Europe and the US, but was booked in Asia.
Not only is this amount a chunky 14 percent of the division, it has grown twice as fast as the overall pie, Quinn said, which is why it is important for him to hit next year’s target of US$37 billion in net interest income, up from US$26.5 billion last year.
Practically the entire increase is expected to come from margin improvements. HSBC needs the Fed’s help to earn more, reinstate its quarterly dividend and raise the payout ratio to 50 percent to pacify investors.
DBS could also benefit from higher rates, but Gupta has one added advantage. His home market of Singapore — especially the buoyant property market — is less at risk from higher interest burdens on homebuyers. Hong Kong’s real-estate sentiment is much weaker, while exposure to commercial real estate of Chinese developers is a big threat to lenders.
In other words, the relative fortunes of HSBC and DBS might come down to what the global interest-rate cycle does to the two rival Asian financial centers that have powered their rise.
“Credit charges are most likely to swell for the Hong Kong banks we cover” in the second half of this year, Bloomberg Intelligence analyst Francis Chan said.
With the Hong Kong economy headed for its third contraction in four years, mortgage demand and wealth-management fees could disappoint, even as higher interest rates lead to markdowns on insurance and bond portfolios.
“Weaker-than-expected growth in lending and non-interest income might offset our optimistic assumptions for margins,” Chan said.
DBS, too, has exposure to Hong Kong and China, and its wealth management fees also slumped in the first half of this year because of subdued markets, but it has a sizeable loan-loss cushion. More importantly, it is likely to be a net gainer from being the No. 1 bank in Singapore.
When it comes to drawing in capital, talent and trade, the city-state’s rapid post-pandemic reopening has placed it at a far more advantageous position than its rival. Even before COVID-19, Hong Kong and HSBC found themselves in the crossfire of the US-China trade war. Now it is the Chinese special administrative region’s isolationist travel restrictions that are forcing it to abdicate its historical role as a global financial center. This shift alone could be powerful enough to alter the pecking order of Asian banking.
Does DBS need a footprint outside Asia to challenge HSBC, which is almost six times bigger by total assets? Not really, especially if the latter capitulates to pressure from Ping An and decides to deglobalize and split up.
DBS is bulking up within the region. Citigroup Inc’s exit from retail operations in Asia outside Singapore and Hong Kong has already given Gupta the keys to the Taiwan consumer bank he wanted to buy.
When the integration is complete, a greater China loan book approaching US$100 billion would give the Singaporean lender significant heft in North Asia, complementing its already solid presence in Southeast Asia and India.
Still, it is possible that aggressive Fed action could spoil the party for HSBC and DBS. Gupta’s post-earnings presentation was cautious. His base case is for US interest rates to peak at 3.5 percent to 4 percent, tempering inflation and causing a mild recession. Ripple effects on Asia can likely be contained, he said, with manageable depreciation in local currencies.
Those assumptions are all up for grabs — as is the contest for Asia’s banking supremacy.
Andy Mukherjee is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering industrial companies and financial services in Asia. He previously worked for Reuters, the Straits Times and Bloomberg News. This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
In recent weeks, Taiwan has witnessed a surge of public anxiety over the possible introduction of Indian migrant workers. What began as a policy signal from the Ministry of Labor quickly escalated into a broader controversy. Petitions gathered thousands of signatures within days, political figures issued strong warnings, and social media became saturated with concerns about public safety and social stability. At first glance, this appears to be a straightforward policy question: Should Taiwan introduce Indian migrant workers or not? However, this framing is misleading. The current debate is not fundamentally about India. It is about Taiwan’s labor system, its
Japan’s imminent easing of arms export rules has sparked strong interest from Warsaw to Manila, Reuters reporting found, as US President Donald Trump wavers on security commitments to allies, and the wars in Iran and Ukraine strain US weapons supplies. Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s ruling party approved the changes this week as she tries to invigorate the pacifist country’s military industrial base. Her government would formally adopt the new rules as soon as this month, three Japanese government officials told Reuters. Despite largely isolating itself from global arms markets since World War II, Japan spends enough on its own
On March 31, the South Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs released declassified diplomatic records from 1995 that drew wide domestic media attention. One revelation stood out: North Korea had once raised the possibility of diplomatic relations with Taiwan. In a meeting with visiting Chinese officials in May 1995, as then-Chinese president Jiang Zemin (江澤民) prepared for a visit to South Korea, North Korean officials objected to Beijing’s growing ties with Seoul and raised Taiwan directly. According to the newly released records, North Korean officials asked why Pyongyang should refrain from developing relations with Taiwan while China and South Korea were expanding high-level
Swiftly following the conclusion of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun’s (鄭麗文) China trip, China’s Taiwan Affairs Office unveiled 10 new policy measures for Taiwan. The measures, covering youth exchanges, agricultural and fishery imports, resumption of certain flights and cultural and media cooperation, appear to offer “incentives” for cross-strait engagement. However, viewed within the political context, their significance lies not in promoting exchanges but in redefining who is qualified to represent Taiwan in dialogue with China. First, the policy statement proposes a “normalized communication mechanism” between the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This would shift cross-strait interaction from