The Solomon Islands has confirmed that it is drafting a security deal with China after leaked documents indicated that a Chinese military base might be set up just northeast of Australia.
The leaked documents, described as a framework agreement on security cooperation, highlighted that the Solomon Islands could ask China to send armed police and military personnel to quell unrest, among other missions, including disaster response. It also said that the Solomon Islands could allow Chinese naval ships to dock in the country, and protect the safety of Chinese residents and major projects.
The potential deal comes as the US, Australia, Japan, India and other Indo-Pacific actors have become increasingly concerned about China boosting its maritime capabilities, its militarization of the South China Sea, and its increasing footprints in the Indian Ocean and the western Pacific.
Mao Zedong (毛澤東) claimed that the People’s Republic of China would never participate in foreign military exercises and would never have bases abroad.
Abandoning his directive, the Chinese military in 2002 began participating in bilateral and multilateral exercises, and in 2017 established an overseas military outpost in Djibouti, its first in the Indian Ocean region. Its Djibouti base is critical for securing China’s trade and energy security, and is used by Chinese peacekeeping forces in Africa. It is also a vital point of contact for Chinese navy vessels to refuel while conducting anti-piracy operations in the western Indian Ocean.
China’s 2015 defense white paper directed the Chinese armed forces to participate in regional and international security cooperation, and to protect China’s overseas interests.
This would require the modernization of the navy, and bases in and logistics agreements with multiple countries, especially in the Indo-Pacific region.
The Chinese military still lacks seaborne and airborne refueling capabilities, stretching its logistics lines and limiting its overseas operations. The military is aware of this shortcoming, and is working toward expanding and improving its far sea capabilities by commissioning advanced long-range destroyers, frigates, aircraft carriers, replenishment and refueling ships, medium and heavy-lift long-distance aircraft, and refueling aircraft.
Similarly, it could also establish multiple military outposts in the Indo-Pacific region, especially in the Indian Ocean and the western Pacific, to overcome its overseas operational limitations.
Last year’s edition of the US Department of Defense’s annual report on China’s military power claims that China has probably considered Cambodia, Myanmar, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, the United Arab Emirates, Kenya, the Seychelles, Tanzania, Angola and Tajikistan as locations for military bases or military logistics facilities.
Furthermore, the known focus areas of Chinese military planning also include the sea lines of communication from China to the Strait of Hormuz, Africa and Pacific island countries.
However, such military outposts would not only secure the country’s trade and energy requirements, but also enable its armed forces to have a permanent presence in the region.
For instance, the Djibouti outpost helps the military gain invaluable operational experience in the Indian Ocean. This is vital for improving the operational capabilities of advanced vessels such as submarines, underwater drones, aircraft carriers and destroyers in the far seas, which are essential for establishing air and water superiority during a conflict.
The leaked documents revealed that China could send military and paramilitary personnel at Honiara’s request, but it could also dock ships for logistics replenishments.
As past experiences have highlighted, this could be the first step toward granting a permanent presence to Beijing in the southern Pacific. China’s expanding military footprint threatens the regional balance as it brings its troops to Australia and New Zealand’s doorstep.
Furthermore, if constructed, the military outpost would also help China dock its naval vessels outside the first and second island chains, relatively close to the US territory of Guam.
Finally, such deployment also undercuts the regional influence of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), as China has pulled another state into its orbit, despite Quad member Australia’s effort since 2018 to “re-engage with its Pacific family.”
For now, claims that China might impose a maritime blockade and interdict supply lines using a Solomon Islands base, similar to events in World War II, are extremely far-fetched.
However, if worked out, such an agreement would show the ascendance of Chinese influence, and the attractiveness of Chinese civilian and military investments for smaller Indo-Pacific actors. If ratified, the deal would bring enormous geostrategic leverage to China and should alarm the Quad countries, especially Australia, about the rising Chinese strategic challenge and increasing sphere of influence in its backyard.
Suyash Desai is a researcher specializing in Chinese security and foreign policies. He is studying Mandarin at National Sun Yat-sen University in Kaohsiung.
In a summer of intense political maneuvering, Taiwanese, whose democratic vibrancy is a constant rebuke to Beijing’s authoritarianism, delivered a powerful verdict not on China, but on their own political leaders. Two high-profile recall campaigns, driven by the ruling party against its opposition, collapsed in failure. It was a clear signal that after months of bitter confrontation, the Taiwanese public is demanding a shift from perpetual campaign mode to the hard work of governing. For Washington and other world capitals, this is more than a distant political drama. The stability of Taiwan is vital, as it serves as a key player
Much like the first round on July 26, Saturday’s second wave of recall elections — this time targeting seven Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers — also failed. With all 31 KMT legislators who faced recall this summer secure in their posts, the mass recall campaign has come to an end. The outcome was unsurprising. Last month’s across-the-board defeats had already dealt a heavy blow to the morale of recall advocates and the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), while bolstering the confidence of the KMT and its ally the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP). It seemed a foregone conclusion that recalls would falter, as
The fallout from the mass recalls and the referendum on restarting the Ma-anshan Nuclear Power Plant continues to monopolize the news. The general consensus is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has been bloodied and found wanting, and is in need of reflection and a course correction if it is to avoid electoral defeat. The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has not emerged unscathed, either, but has the opportunity of making a relatively clean break. That depends on who the party on Oct. 18 picks to replace outgoing KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫). What is certain is that, with the dust settling
Mainland Affairs Council Deputy Minister Shen You-chung (沈有忠) on Thursday last week urged democratic nations to boycott China’s military parade on Wednesday next week. The parade, a grand display of Beijing’s military hardware, is meant to commemorate the 80th anniversary of Japan’s surrender in World War II. While China has invited world leaders to attend, many have declined. A Kyodo News report on Sunday said that Japan has asked European and Asian leaders who have yet to respond to the invitation to refrain from attending. Tokyo is seeking to prevent Beijing from spreading its distorted interpretation of wartime history, the report