In sentencing Myanmar’s iconic civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi to prison, the Burmese generals have effectively exiled her from electoral politics, but that does not mean that the Southeast Asian nation is back to square one in its stop-start efforts to move toward democracy.
A younger generation that came of age as the military began loosening its grip and has tasted some freedoms is well-positioned to carry on the struggle.
The Feb. 1 coup ousted Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected government from power, throwing the country into turmoil, but erasing the gains of a decade of opening up has proved more difficult.
Illustration: Yusha
People took to the streets almost immediately and have continued protesting. As a military crackdown on demonstrations grew increasingly violent, protesters moved to arm themselves.
Within days, a mix of old and new guard, including elected lawmakers who were prevented by the takeover from taking their seats, announced a shadow administration that declared itself the nation’s only legitimate government. It was very consciously assembled to be a diverse group, including representatives of ethnic minorities and one openly gay member, unusual in socially conservative Myanmar.
It, not Aung San Suu Kyi — who was arrested in the takeover — has been at the forefront of the opposition, and has garnered significant support among the general population.
While no foreign government has recognized the so-called National Unity Government, US National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan has met virtually with two of its representatives and it has accomplished a kind of standoff at the UN, which delayed action on a request by Myanmar’s military government for its representative to take its seat. The country’s existing UN delegate has declared his allegiance to the unity government.
“The coup and its aftermath are not so much the end of a democratization process in Myanmar as they are proof that democratization has actually taken hold of the younger generation,” Priscilla Clapp, a senior adviser to the US Institute of Peace and the Asia Society and a former US chief of mission in Myanmar. “In fact, the coup may ultimately prove to be the dramatic end to the older generation of leadership in Myanmar.”
The democracy movement faces the challenges of continuing to resist military rule, keeping up international pressure for restoring an elected, civilian government, and consolidating support from ethnic groups that have long fought the central government.
Aung San Suu Kyi and her allies have played important roles in the past, even when sidelined or jailed by the generals. On Monday last week, the 76-year-old was convicted on charges of incitement and contraventions of COVID-19 restrictions, and sentenced to four years in prison, although that was reduced to two. She faces other charges that could see her imprisoned for life.
However, the younger generation might be better placed to carry the mantle.
Unlike their elders, younger people in Myanmar, especially those in the cities, have spent most of their lives without having to worry about being imprisoned for speaking their minds. They have had access to mobile phones and Facebook, and grew up believing that the country was becoming more, not less, democratic.
They also seem more willing to reach out to Myanmar’s ethnic minorities.
Not only did the unity government include ethnic minority officials in its Cabinet, but it also sought out alliances with the powerful ethnic militias, which are fighting for autonomy and rights over their resource-rich lands.
“Even as they are fighting against the military takeover, they are debating among themselves to determine the outlines of a new form of a more democratic and ethnically diverse political system,” Clapp said. “This did not happen with earlier rebellions against military rule, before the people had experience with democratic institutions that gave the public a voice.”
Aung San Suu Kyi’s own reputation abroad was deeply marred by her seemingly condoning, or at times even defending, abuses committed by the military against the Muslim Rohingya minority while her government was in power.
She disputes allegations that troops killed Rohingya civilians, torched houses and raped women.
The unity government has also been criticized for seeming to neglect the long-oppressed Rohingya, and it remains to be seen how its uneasy alliance with ethnic groups will play out.
However, Aung San Suu Kyi’s handling of the Rohingya is just one element that complicates her legacy.
An icon of resistance during her 15 years under house arrest, Aung San Suu Kyi agreed to work alongside the generals after she was freed. It was a gamble that left Myanmar’s fledgling democracy in limbo, with the military keeping control of key ministries and reserving a large share of seats in parliament.
Some overseas admirers were disappointed that during its time in power, Aung San Suu Kyi’s government used British colonial-era security laws to prosecute dissidents and critical journalists, in part of “an ongoing pattern of silencing dissent,” Australian National University lecturer Jane Ferguson said.
In seizing power, the military claimed there was massive fraud in the election in November last year, in which Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy won by a landslide.
The military justified the takeover under a constitution that allows it to seize power in emergencies — although independent election observers did not detect any major irregularities.
Critics also assert that the takeover bypassed the legal process for declaring the kind of emergency that allows the army to step in.
Security forces have since quashed nonviolent nationwide protests with deadly force, killing about 1,300 civilians, according to a tally compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
Despite the risks, the verdict against Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains popular, provoked more spirited protests. In the city of Mandalay on Monday last week, demonstrators chanted slogans and sang songs popularized during pro-democracy protests in 1988.
“In Yangon, we are seeing local residents resume banging pots and pans late at night in protest,” said Jason Tower, Myanmar country director for the US Institute of Peace. “These types of moves by the junta are also a key driver and motivation for local people to join people’s defense forces.”
Those forces, which began as a way to protect neighborhoods and villages from the depredations of government troops, are also being supported by the opposition unity government that hopes to turn them into a federal army one day.
The military keeps trying to “terrorize the public into obedience,” George Washington University international affairs professor Christina Fink said. “They have done so successfully in the past — but this time the opposition is more widespread and takes many different forms, so it has been much harder for the regime to achieve its goal.”
What began on Feb. 28 as a military campaign against Iran quickly became the largest energy-supply disruption in modern times. Unlike the oil crises of the 1970s, which stemmed from producer-led embargoes, US President Donald Trump is the first leader in modern history to trigger a cascading global energy crisis through direct military action. In the process, Trump has also laid bare Taiwan’s strategic and economic fragilities, offering Beijing a real-time tutorial in how to exploit them. Repairing the damage to Persian Gulf oil and gas infrastructure could take years, suggesting that elevated energy prices are likely to persist. But the most
In late January, Taiwan’s first indigenous submarine, the Hai Kun (海鯤, or Narwhal), completed its first submerged dive, reaching a depth of roughly 50m during trials in the waters off Kaohsiung. By March, it had managed a fifth dive, still well short of the deep-water and endurance tests required before the navy could accept the vessel. The original delivery deadline of November last year passed months ago. CSBC Corp, Taiwan, the lead contractor, now targets June and the Ministry of National Defense is levying daily penalties for every day the submarine remains unfinished. The Hai Kun was supposed to be
Most schoolchildren learn that the circumference of the Earth is about 40,000km. They do not learn that the global economy depends on just 160 of those kilometers. Blocking two narrow waterways — the Strait of Hormuz and the Taiwan Strait — could send the economy back in time, if not to the Stone Age that US President Donald Trump has been threatening to bomb Iran back to, then at least to the mid-20th century, before the Rolling Stones first hit the airwaves. Over the past month and a half, Iran has turned the Strait of Hormuz, which is about 39km wide at
There is a peculiar kind of political theater unfolding in East Asia — one that would be laughable if its consequences were not so dangerous. Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) on April 12 returned from Beijing, where she met Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) and spoke earnestly about preserving “peace” and maintaining the “status quo.” It is a position that sounds responsible, even prudent. It is also a fiction. Taiwan is, by any honest definition, an independent country. It governs itself, defends itself, elects its leaders, and functions as a free and sovereign democracy. Independence is not a
RSS