In light of economies becoming increasingly digitalized, with more financial innovation and decreasing use of cash, the cryptocurrency boom has become a focus of central banks around the world — and Taiwan is no exception.
At a forum in Taipei last week, central bank Governor Yang Chin-long (楊金龍) spoke about the progress in developing a central bank digital currency (CBDC). He said that the central bank conducted the first phase of a technical feasibility study in June last year, aiming to understand the limitations of the so-called distributed ledger technology behind cryptocurrencies, and especially whether the central bank is operationally efficient enough to settle large transactions in time.
Yang said that phase 2 of the study is under way, which includes building a prototype CBDC platform to simulate the application of the digital currency in retail payment systems. The certification of the digital currency is expected to be completed in September next year at the earliest.
There are three conditions that must be met before the study can enter phase 3, which would entail pilot runs at some venues, or even a full-scale rollout in phase 4, he said. The first is input, participation and support from a wide range of stakeholders, such as government agencies, users, financial and academic institutions, and technology providers. The second is that mature technology exists in terms of systems integration, operational efficiency and security resilience, Yang said. Finally, a solid legal framework would be needed, including the use of the CBDC as legal tender, as well as regulations protecting privacy while preventing money laundering and terrorism to enhance public trust in the currency, he said.
Compared with other countries, China in particular, Taiwan’s development of a digital currency comes rather late. However, Yang emphasized in his speech that there is no first-mover advantage for the technology and its development should not become a competition among countries. What matters is to ensure that the rollout meets domestic needs.
In other words, countries that issue digital currencies earlier might have certain benefits, but they would also have to deal with the currencies’ inherent risk to privacy, financial institutions and the overall economy. Latecomers could take cues from first movers’ experience, implement better risk-mitigation mechanisms and build a more comprehensive digital currency ecosystem.
In short, the central bank is researching and experimenting with the technology, and continues to explore the future of everyday transactions, including the role that a CBDC might play.
The question is no longer whether Taiwan should issue a digital currency, but when it should do so. However, there is still significant work that needs to be done concerning privacy and security concerns. The launch of a CBDC needs to be carefully designed and give the financial system time to adjust and provide safeguards. Therefore no decision has yet been made on whether a digital New Taiwan dollar will be introduced.
Certainly, there are some developments that motivate the central bank to push the project forward, such as the digitalization trend and financial innovation, which would in turn influence the popularity of the digital currency, as well as its usefulness and how widely businesses would accept it.
Particularly important is that the currency would have to have advantages over existing digital payment services, specifically in terms of usability and security. Otherwise, it would just be one more option for digital payments. Moreover, it is vital that the central bank continues testing the technology, so that whenever public consultations and policy discussions reach a conclusive result, Taiwan can launch a CBDC that people can use as a cash substitute without a second thought.
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Acting Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) has formally announced his intention to stand for permanent party chairman. He has decided that he is the right person to steer the fledgling third force in Taiwan’s politics through the challenges it would certainly face in the post-Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) era, rather than serve in a caretaker role while the party finds a more suitable candidate. Huang is sure to secure the position. He is almost certainly not the right man for the job. Ko not only founded the party, he forged it into a one-man political force, with himself