On Feb. 25, China unilaterally announced that starting in March, the importation of pineapples from Taiwan would be banned.
On the eve of the Mid-Autumn Festival, the pineapple ban was followed by a notice from the Chinese General Administration of Customs that the importation of custard apples and wax apples from Taiwan would be suspended from the next day, citing pest concerns.
It is neither pineapple, custard apple nor wax apple season; importation of these fruits ended in April, and the timing of the pest concern notification raises questions about whether there are real pest concerns or there is a different motive.
Because of the proximity of the two sides of the Taiwan Strait, the positive image of Taiwan’s agricultural products and their high acceptance among Chinese consumers, China has long been the main market for the nation’s agricultural products, buying more than 20 percent of the exports at a value of more than US$1 billion. The top three fruit exports are pineapples, custard apples — or more precisely mainly atemoya, a hybrid of custard apple and cherimoya — and wax apples, so it is not surprising that the ban on pineapples was followed by a ban on the other two fruits.
A lot of work must be done to mitigate the effects of the ban before custard apples and wax apples reach the market in December.
The first step should be a direct response, including specific improvements of the safety management of orchards, post-harvest handling and inspection, batch-by-batch quarantine before shipment, and the establishment of a production and sales history tracing system.
The second step should be export diversification. This sounds like a cliche, but Taiwanese custard apples and wax apples are unique on the world market, so this is an opportunity to promote these fruits in Japan and Singapore, or even the US and Canada, and to invite overseas traders and distributors to learn more about them and taste them.
Third, new products should be developed to enter new markets. In addition to being eaten fresh, custard apples can be frozen or used to make ice cream, and wax apples can be dried, or processed into jam or syrup. These products would stand out.
Moreover, processed or frozen products can be exported to China without quarantine requirements.
Fourth, the Council of Agriculture should initiate a NT$1 billion (US$36.06 million) fund for international promotion of custard apples and wax apples, new product development, and transportation and cold chain subsidies as it did to address the pineapple ban. These funds would not necessarily be used up, because the NT$560 million invested after the pineapple ban was enough to support the market and diversify exports.
Finally, agricultural insurances should once more be promoted. Four years ago, the council started promoting custard apple income insurance to mitigate natural disasters and price risks, but due to good weather conditions, good harvests and price stability over the past few years, farmers have increasingly ignored the importance of insurance, and currently only 3.8 percent of land for atemoya cultivation is covered by insurance, while for wax apples only climate-indexed insurance — which does not cover price risks — is available.
The recent ban will hopefully lead to a greater emphasis on fundamental export inspection, and further lead to the development of new products, the diversification of risk and added value, and the expansion of agricultural income insurance.
Yang Min-hsien is a professor at Feng Chia University and former president of the Rural Economics Society of Taiwan.
Translated by Perry Svensson
As Taiwan’s domestic political crisis deepens, the opposition Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) have proposed gutting the country’s national spending, with steep cuts to the critical foreign and defense ministries. While the blue-white coalition alleges that it is merely responding to voters’ concerns about corruption and mismanagement, of which there certainly has been plenty under Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and KMT-led governments, the rationales for their proposed spending cuts lay bare the incoherent foreign policy of the KMT-led coalition. Introduced on the eve of US President Donald Trump’s inauguration, the KMT’s proposed budget is a terrible opening
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
“I compare the Communist Party to my mother,” sings a student at a boarding school in a Tibetan region of China’s Qinghai province. “If faith has a color,” others at a different school sing, “it would surely be Chinese red.” In a major story for the New York Times this month, Chris Buckley wrote about the forced placement of hundreds of thousands of Tibetan children in boarding schools, where many suffer physical and psychological abuse. Separating these children from their families, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) aims to substitute itself for their parents and for their religion. Buckley’s reporting is
Last week, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), together holding more than half of the legislative seats, cut about NT$94 billion (US$2.85 billion) from the yearly budget. The cuts include 60 percent of the government’s advertising budget, 10 percent of administrative expenses, 3 percent of the military budget, and 60 percent of the international travel, overseas education and training allowances. In addition, the two parties have proposed freezing the budgets of many ministries and departments, including NT$1.8 billion from the Ministry of National Defense’s Indigenous Defense Submarine program — 90 percent of the program’s proposed