Rapid advances over the past few years in the Chinese People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) Rocket Force have expanded the power projection capability of its guided missile force, meaning that if a war were to break out with China, all of Taiwan’s airbases, ports, radar stations and military command centers would come under a devastating, sustained attack by PLA missiles.
After having been pulverized by wave after wave of PLA guided missiles, the military would probably no longer be capable of mustering a robust aerial counterattack.
LOW-COST SOLUTION
Given the elevated threat from the PLA’s Rocket Force, in addition to purchasing new types of fighter jets, the government should consider converting commercial container ships into missile platforms to provide an additional defense against PLA missiles.
Due to the relatively low production cost of container ships and the broadly non-sensitive nature of the equipment that would need to be installed, the government could require a specific number of container ships to be converted for military use, equipping them with the capability to carry anti-aircraft and cruise missiles.
These ships could be used in “hit-and-run” attacks against the enemy, which would help to increase the military’s ability to survive on the battlefield.
Equipping container ships would have several advantages:
First, container ships are relatively easily to conceal. In a wartime situation, either side would focus their attention on neutralizing the threat from military vessels.
As civilian container ships are more difficult for militaries to identify than navy warships, when loaded with missiles, they would become a lethal weapon to defend against an attacking Chinese military.
Second, the PLA would have difficulty detecting whether a converted container ship was carrying missiles, giving them a higher chance of survival than military surface ships.
LONG-RANGE STRIKE
If Taiwan could fit out about four to eight container ships of differing sizes and types to carry the domestically manufactured Hsiung Feng IIE cruise missiles and deploy them in coastal waters off the north, south and east of Taiwan proper, the military would be equipped with a potent long-range strike capability.
Third, if the military could increase the number of guided missile launch platforms, this would force China to divert more resources toward bolstering its own defensive capabilities.
During a wartime scenario, the PLA would need to provide its attacking forces more defensive assets for cover and surveillance to counter the threat from Taiwanese missiles.
This would slow down the attack, giving the military more time to redeploy its forces around Taiwan and buying more time for the outside world to come to its aid.
Finally, missile-equipped container ships would function as an additional layer of defense within Taiwan’s multilayered strategic deterrent force and bring into play a genuine asymmetric warfare capability.
From a practical standpoint, Israel Aerospace Industries has successfully tested its LORA (long range attack) hypersonic, quasi-ballistic missile, which can be launched from a standard intermodal shipping container.
Years ago, Israel incorporated asymmetric warfare into its defense strategy. Taiwan’s government and military no longer have any excuse.
Ray Song is a graduate of National Chung Cheng University’s Institute of Strategic and International Affairs.
Translated by Edward Jones
President William Lai (賴清德) attended a dinner held by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) when representatives from the group visited Taiwan in October. In a speech at the event, Lai highlighted similarities in the geopolitical challenges faced by Israel and Taiwan, saying that the two countries “stand on the front line against authoritarianism.” Lai noted how Taiwan had “immediately condemned” the Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel by Hamas and had provided humanitarian aid. Lai was heavily criticized from some quarters for standing with AIPAC and Israel. On Nov. 4, the Taipei Times published an opinion article (“Speak out on the
The image was oddly quiet. No speeches, no flags, no dramatic announcements — just a Chinese cargo ship cutting through arctic ice and arriving in Britain in October. The Istanbul Bridge completed a journey that once existed only in theory, shaving weeks off traditional shipping routes. On paper, it was a story about efficiency. In strategic terms, it was about timing. Much like politics, arriving early matters. Especially when the route, the rules and the traffic are still undefined. For years, global politics has trained us to watch the loud moments: warships in the Taiwan Strait, sanctions announced at news conferences, leaders trading
Eighty-seven percent of Taiwan’s energy supply this year came from burning fossil fuels, with more than 47 percent of that from gas-fired power generation. The figures attracted international attention since they were in October published in a Reuters report, which highlighted the fragility and structural challenges of Taiwan’s energy sector, accumulated through long-standing policy choices. The nation’s overreliance on natural gas is proving unstable and inadequate. The rising use of natural gas does not project an image of a Taiwan committed to a green energy transition; rather, it seems that Taiwan is attempting to patch up structural gaps in lieu of
News about expanding security cooperation between Israel and Taiwan, including the visits of Deputy Minister of National Defense Po Horng-huei (柏鴻輝) in September and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Francois Wu (吳志中) this month, as well as growing ties in areas such as missile defense and cybersecurity, should not be viewed as isolated events. The emphasis on missile defense, including Taiwan’s newly introduced T-Dome project, is simply the most visible sign of a deeper trend that has been taking shape quietly over the past two to three years. Taipei is seeking to expand security and defense cooperation with Israel, something officials