The smiling face of Cambodia's new king Norodom Sihamoni appeared in every newspaper this weekend for his 52nd birthday, six months into a reign seen as a success although experts said he still needs time to stand on his own.
Norodom Sihamoni's accession was carefully orchestrated by his father, former king Norodom Sihanouk, who abdicated in October.
In his first six months, Sihamoni has made himself accepted and loved by Cambodia's 13 million people, experts said.
However people in Cambodia, where the monarchy traditionally takes on a quasi-religious hue, are still getting to know the successor to Sihanouk, who is considered the father of the nation who first took the throne in 1941 and became a revered figure inextricably tied to Cambodia's chaotic fortunes over the decades.
The son of Norodom Sihanouk and Queen Monineath was a dancer, choreographer, and ambassador to UNESCO in Paris. He had not lived in Cambodia in nearly 30 years, and was almost unknown here.
Since taking the throne, the new king has used his smile and gentle charm to win over Cambodians, making frequent journeys to the countryside. In addition to his formal trips, he has also made unannounced visits to rural areas, where he showed real concern for the problems of ordinary people.
"He did everything that he should. He visited almost all the provinces, he's reached out to rural folk, and people like him a lot," said Julio Jeldres, Sihanouk's official biographer.
The new king is "warm, close to the people," he told reporters, saying that he sometimes "kneels before people to put himself at their level."
"The Cambodian people kiss his hands, crowds come to see him and show him their support," said Lao Mong Hay of the Center for Social Development. "He is in the process of patching the national fabric, which has been torn greatly."
Sihamoni, who does not govern under Cambodia's constitution, has also managed to stay above the political fray.
"He succeeded in doing what his father wanted, making a smooth transition," one western diplomat said, even if royal protocols weigh on him and if palace life often means solitude for the unmarried king.
Prince Norodom Sirivudh, the former king's half-brother, also gave good marks to the new monarch.
"He is sensibly and ably learning his job as king," he told reporters. "He's more charismatic every day."
But his father still casts a long shadow over the throne. Sihanouk has an immense affection for his son and his country, and he remains so visible that many -- including opposition leader Sam Rainsy -- still call him "the king."
His portrait remains in some ministries as if he were still on the throne.
"Sihanouk is very present," a source close to the palace said. "He advises the king on everything. He never left the scene."
The 82-year-old former king recently announced that his cancer has worsened, forcing him to stay in Beijing for treatment.
His health, which he has in the past used for political gain, now truly worries the people closest to him -- including the current king, who is said to be shaken by his father's illness.
"If the king-father disappeared, it could destabilize Sihamoni's standing," another source close to the palace said. "Sihanouk is his son's closest adviser.
"If Sihanouk disappeared, Sihamoni would have problems, because for now he relies on his father, he passes everything by his father," the source said.
Many believe that the new king's inexperience leaves him in need of his father for some time to come.
"If Sihanouk is still around in two years, I believe that Sihamoni will be saved," one analyst said. "The king-father has a lot of experience and his son certainly needs that in important matters."
If Sihanouk were to die, the royals -- especially Queen Monineath -- would close ranks around the king, people close to the palace said.
"But the king-father's premature death would be a tough blow, and would be worrisome. Sihamoni doesn't have his stature yet," one observer said on condition of anonymity.
"Facing the king is a political genius named Hun Sen," the observer said, referring to the prime minister, who has always had an antagonistic relationship to Sihanouk. "He's a man who always stays afloat."
But Hun Sen "can't do just anything with the royal family. In Cambodia, royalty is of a higher order," he said.
The Chinese government on March 29 sent shock waves through the Tibetan Buddhist community by announcing the untimely death of one of its most revered spiritual figures, Hungkar Dorje Rinpoche. His sudden passing in Vietnam raised widespread suspicion and concern among his followers, who demanded an investigation. International human rights organization Human Rights Watch joined their call and urged a thorough investigation into his death, highlighting the potential involvement of the Chinese government. At just 56 years old, Rinpoche was influential not only as a spiritual leader, but also for his steadfast efforts to preserve and promote Tibetan identity and cultural
Former minister of culture Lung Ying-tai (龍應台) has long wielded influence through the power of words. Her articles once served as a moral compass for a society in transition. However, as her April 1 guest article in the New York Times, “The Clock Is Ticking for Taiwan,” makes all too clear, even celebrated prose can mislead when romanticism clouds political judgement. Lung crafts a narrative that is less an analysis of Taiwan’s geopolitical reality than an exercise in wistful nostalgia. As political scientists and international relations academics, we believe it is crucial to correct the misconceptions embedded in her article,
Strategic thinker Carl von Clausewitz has said that “war is politics by other means,” while investment guru Warren Buffett has said that “tariffs are an act of war.” Both aphorisms apply to China, which has long been engaged in a multifront political, economic and informational war against the US and the rest of the West. Kinetically also, China has launched the early stages of actual global conflict with its threats and aggressive moves against Taiwan, the Philippines and Japan, and its support for North Korea’s reckless actions against South Korea that could reignite the Korean War. Former US presidents Barack Obama
The pan-blue camp in the era after the rule of the two Chiangs — former presidents Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) and Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) — can be roughly divided into two main factions: the “true blue,” who insist on opposing communism to protect the Republic of China (ROC), and the “red-blue,” who completely reject the current government and would rather collude with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to control Taiwan. The families of the former group suffered brutally under the hands of communist thugs in China. They know the CPP well and harbor a deep hatred for it — the two
RSS