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Taiwan's place in the US psyche

Two misconceptions need to be dispelled. The first is that the average American takes interest in foreign affairs. In reality, Ameri-cans rarely care about what goes on outside their national borders. Even their immediate neighbors, Mexico and Canada receive scant media attention, let alone Taiwan. It has indeed been well said that the only time Americans watch television coverage of foreign events is when US citizens get killed abroad, such as the bombing of the USS Cole or the crash of a US fighter pilot in Scotland.

The second misconception is that Americans are interested in Asia. Most American journalists are of European descent and their knowledge of Asia is pretty rudimentary, but their coverage of Asia does often touch on Japan or China. For better or worse, the Taiwan issue only becomes newsworthy if it is tied in with China issues. Most Americans cannot distinguish Chinese from Hong Kong, Taiwan or China or even America-born Chinese. They all look the same. They must think alike. So goes the stereotype.

It serves Taiwan's purpose to keep itself within the American sub-conscious for the simple reason that had it not been for US military protection, Taiwan would probably have been another province of China since 1949. It was fortuitous for Taiwan that the Korean War broke out in the early 1950s, which brought the US and China into hostile confrontation. Taiwan survived because of America's institutionalized fear of Communism. The US treated Taiwan like an unsinkable aircraft carrier. After 1972 when the ROC was no longer a member of the UN and subsequently, when the US recognized China, Taiwan's position has had to be constantly adjusted to suit the ever-changing climate of the Sino-American relationship.

One marvels at how effective and relatively successful Taiwan's lobbying efforts have been in the US. Although, under the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 (TRA)Taiwan's status is not that of a sovereign state and it therefore does not enjoy full diplomatic privileges and prestige, it works hard to have its voice heard in the right circles, such as Capitol Hill. Even when China made the strongest accusations against the US, for example, over former president Lee Teng-hui's (李登輝) visit to Cornell University, the US public was not intimidated.

On the whole, the US media has been friendly to Taiwan, except over issues such as counterfeiting and intellectual property violations, to which Taiwan responded swiftly by undertaking to rectify the situation.

Immigrants from Taiwan receive a high quality education and are gainfully employed. Second-generation Taiwanese-Americans have been fairly successful and have integrated into mainstream US society. The Taiwanese image, as an immigrant group, is positive. Many Americans, not knowing much about their Asian communities, do not realize that among Asian immigrants there are many factions constantly alienating each other. When Lee Wen Ho (李文和) was prosecuted for being a spy for China, Americans did not appreciate that Lee was a Taiwanese immigrant and he did not come from China. Americans are barely aware that even among Taiwanese immigrants there are DPP and KMT supporters.

Since the majority of Asian (including Taiwanese) immigrants are concentrated in three or four big American cities and along the coasts, Americans living outside these areas have little contact with Taiwanese immigrants. The US is a democratic country of the one-person-one-vote variety. Elected officials and representatives enjoy high visibility and have the power to make decisions. In so far as their decisions may have an impact on Taiwan, Taiwanese immigrants who can vote for or have access to these decision-makers can operate as effective spokespersons for Taiwanese interests.

Taiwan's official representatives lobby by operating at different levels, ranging from the grassroots to the highest echelons. Establishing support from the bottom up is a long-term endeavor requiring continued efforts. In addition, both the media and whoever runs for office have to listen to community groups. Any lobbying in the US in ignorance of the media or the elected officials is not going to be effective. Taiwan has been skillful in orchestrating its lobbying programs using a comprehensive approach. The lobbying efforts target politicians at federal, state and city levels. Taiwan befriends academics, think tanks, ethnic groups, professionals and business people. Taiwan has been more successful than China, considering that its room to maneuver is much more circumscribed.

Having done everything within its power, however, Taiwan may still fail to win total US support.

First, China represents an enormous and yet to be exploited market for US products and services. China plays that card to its fullest extent. Major US corporations such as aircraft manufacturers, financial conglomerates and insurance companies go out of their way to lobby for China.

Second, China is the US' arch rival and occupies a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. When the Red Dragon gets angry, the US has to listen. The US is concerned about how China may exercise its veto and refuse to cooperate at the UN.

Third, the State Department is the branch of the US government most accommodating to China's wishes, whenever a Taiwan issue arises. Then secretary of state Warren Christopher intimated to China that his government would not allow Lee Teng-hui to visit Cornell University until the Congress voted in favor of his visit. China has been relentless in restricting Taiwan's room for operations at all diplomatic levels.

Fourth, the US has to take its own interests into account. The US would be reluctant to send ground forces to participate in a regional war simply because the loss of lives would not win votes for politicians. Hence, Taiwan has to think twice before believing that the US would deploy combative manpower to defend Taiwan's territory for a sustained period in the event that it faced an invasion by China.

The US will, however, comply with the TRA by selling military equipment and provisions to Taiwan for self-defense.

Frankie Leung is adjunct professor at the University of Southern California Law School, Los Angeles.
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