Ten years ago, Lee Ying-yuan (
Now he sits in a spacious, sun-lit office on the third floor of the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office (TECRO) in Northwest Washington, a few miles north of the White House, as Taiwan's second-most senior representative to the US.
PHOTO: CHEN CHEN-CHANG, TAIPEI TIMES
When President Chen Shui-bian (
Lee, who was first viewed with suspicion by some within TECRO, appears to have fitted in well. Abandoning his earlier public pro-independence stance, he now seems comfortable with the excruciating nuances of indecision that govern US-Taiwan relations.
Lee, 47, was born and raised in Yuanlin, and received a degree in Public Health from National Taiwan University. Shortly after the Kaohsiung Incident of Dec. 10. 1979, when KMT forces broke up a human rights rally and arrested DPP leaders, Lee went to the US, where he enrolled in Harvard University and received a master's degree in health policy and management. There, he became the first publisher of a Taiwanese news magazine that advocated independence, and took part in other pro-independence activities.
After receiving a doctorate from the University of North Carolina in 1988, he found himself on the KMT blacklist when he was twice denied a re-entry visa to take up teaching positions offered to him by National Taiwan University.
In July 1990, he "sneaked back" to Taiwan, to use his words, and spent the next 14 months on the run, evading KMT security forces, and at one time dogged by a reward for his capture that reached NT$10 million. In September 1991, he was arrested in Taipei, convicted of sedition for his advocacy of independence, and given a prison sentence.
The faculty at National Taiwan University, however, rallied to his support, and Lee was released after nine months, in May 1992.
After returning to lead the "One Taiwan One China Movement" and the "New Constitution Coalition," he was elected to the legislature in the DPP in 1995 and re-elected in 1999.
For the past five months, Lee has had to lead the life of a diplomat, which demands a whole new set of skills. In TECRO, and indeed the whole Taiwan presence in Washington, dominated by the KMT, Lee is something of an anomaly. But his DPP background does give him some advantages among the Washington power elite that seeks something beyond the KMT orthodoxy.
Taipei Times: Throughout your life, you have played the role of a dissident, but now you have a different role. How are you making the transformation?
Lee: We have to adjust ourselves. When you are a member of the opposition, you can say anything you want. But when you're in power, you have to accommodate the opposition, and try to be polite with them. So we have to change our mentality.
TT: Has it been hard for you?
Lee: No, not really.
TT: How did you do it?
Lee: Well, I just try to be sincere. Even when I was detained in the Taipei Detention Center, I treated those who guarded us well, I paid them respect. So later, after I was released, they came to my campaign rallies to listen to my speeches, and they campaigned for me.
To me, it's not "you, the person" that I'm against, it's the system that I'm against. So even though the guards were hired by the government, even though they worked for the ruling party, the police, the army, the military police, whatever, when they questioned me, I paid them respect. On a personal basis, we pay respect.
TT: And you use the same tactics here.
Lee: Yes, exactly.
TT: I'm told that when you first came here, you might have been snubbed by some of the people here in TECRO. Were you?
Lee: Yes, because I'm second in charge here. There is the Ambassador and two deputies. So, they may have been suspicious about what I would do, who I was, how I might behave. They sort of hesitated to communicate with me. But it didn't take too long for them to understand me. You have staff meetings several times a week. Some you have with a few people. Some you have with 20 or 30 people. And during the meetings you interact with your colleagues and make it clear who you are. And then they check with their friends back in Taiwan, the KMT, the legislature, the People First Party or the New Party. They know I'm a man they can work with, even though you can argue with Ying-yuan. So I think it didn't take long for them to accept me.
TT: What exactly is your responsibility here?
Lee: We have all sorts of officials from various ministries -- economics, defense, security, labor, education. I'm in charge of the congressional branch, and then the military, education and other administrative aspects like communications. We have a ... division of labor, with Dr. Shen Lyu-shun in charge of dealing with think tanks, the AIT, governmental officials, economics, and the news section.
Even though you have this kind of division of labor, the line is vague.We can do whatever we want. For example, I am in contact with the think tank people all the time. And Chen Chien-jen (
TT: Since you've been here, have you been in touch with President Chen?
Lee: I call his office, but not necessarily President Chen himself. I have not spoken with him since I came here. But his staff come here quite often, including the deputy secretary-general of the Presidential Office and Antonio Chiang (
TT: What is President Chen's strategy in dealing with America? What's his view of Washington? How does he want to deal with the new administration and the Congress? What does he want to tell the US government?
Lee: First, of course, he would want to show our friends in the US that Taiwan is a responsible country. Taiwan's stability is in the interest of the US. Taiwan can play a very important strategic role in the Western Pacific. We're going to make sure that Taiwan will not be provocative. I think that some of our American friends didn't believe that Chen would be elected. People worried about his election, because people felt that the DPP was for Taiwan independence and that if he were elected he might declare independence and cause trouble in the Taiwan Strait.
But as you have seen, after he was elected he softened his position. He tried to cut down the anxiety among allies like the US and Japan. So, he got a very positive response from the US and the allies. I think the US government trusts us a lot and our friends in Congress also like him very much. That's why last year, when he transited in Los Angeles, so many congressmen wanted to see him, even though he was not granted that privilege. But we hope this situation will change this year if he makes another transit visit.
TT: How do you expect that to change?
Lee: Transit is one of the three areas we are working on. We appreciate the US providing transit stops for our president, because the flight to Central America is such a long trip. So, if he can make a stop in the US, that makes his travel more comfortable and convenient.
But still, like a person who visits a friend far away, sometimes he wants to make a stop at another friend's house in between. He wants to have a chat with his friends. But of course he must be restrained. He is not going to open his refrigerator without permission, right?
So here, at least, we feel that this is a democratic society, an open society, and US congressmen visit Taipei all the time. So we feel that congressmen, senators, ought to be treated differently from President Bush. It's very sensitive for President Bush to receive President Chen. But it should be fair for President Chen to meet US friends from Congress. That's what we are working on.
TT: Do you expect Congress to pass a bill that would allow Chen and other Taiwan presidents to land in the US for visits?
Lee: There are quite a few friends on Capitol Hill who are working on it. For example, Representative [Dana] Rohrbacher [a California Republican], who went to see the president last year. He just felt that it was not fair to control a senator or congressman's movements. That is very unusual in a democratic society.
TT: So you're cautiously optimistic that they'll do something?
Lee: Yes.
TT: And the second of the three goals is arms sales?
Lee: Yes.
TT: What do you expect there?
Lee: We cannot be that specific. We just hope that the new administration will fully appreciate the stability that Taiwan can contribute to the Western Pacific region, and to keep the military balance between the two sides is very important. According to the Taiwan Relations Act, the US should supply military equipment and services to protect democracy.
The new administration now has many high-ranking officials who have very good strategic backgrounds, which we think in turn will help them appreciate the strategic importance of Taiwan. Like Mr. [Richard Lee] Armitage [who has been nominated to be Deputy Secretary of State], they might understand the strategic position better. All we want is defensive weapons. We are not in any position to attack the PRC. That's not something we want. But unless we have the capability to defend ourselves, there is no way that we will feel safe to resume cross-strait talks.
TT: What do you expect to get this year?
Lee: I cannot answer in specific terms. I just feel that the general atmosphere is that the new administration might be more understanding.
TT: And, the third area?
Lee: To increase international participation. For this year, we are particularly emphasizing involvement in the World Health Organization (WHO). In May, all countries of the WHO will assemble in Geneva, for the annual World Health Assembly. We would like to have the US help us in attaining at least observer status in the assembly. We feel that this is a human rights issue. When it comes to health, 23 million people should not be excluded from the world health system, because diseases can be transmitted across all boundaries.
TT: Well, Sherrod Brown of Ohio has already introduced one bill, but he's introduced that each year for the past few years. How optimistic are you that things will be better this time, that you'll be more successful in getting that through this time.
Lee: We not only want to join the WHO, but in the long run we want to join the UN. We know that is difficult. But for the WHO, it seems to us that this year -- because of the new administration and the reshuffle of the congressional leadership -- that the bill has a good chance.
TT: You were talking about Armitage. What about the other officials -- Paul Wolfowitz as deputy secretary of defense and others?
Lee: We feel that these men have strategic knowledge.
TT: Your relationship with Congress. The last time you were here, it was as a dissident holding rallies with members of Congress on Capitol Hill to support Taiwan. Now you are representing the government dealing with Congress on an official basis. How does that change your relationship with Congress? Is it an advantage ? Do they treat you differently? Do you think you'll be more effective because you've known them from before?
Lee: Yes. Right after President Chen was elected, I led a delegation to the US, visiting New York City, Washington DC, and Chicago, to see congressmen and senators and to share our ideas with our friends in the think tanks. On that particular trip I met Senator Trent Lott. All these friends were amazed by the tremendous progress that Taiwan has made. So I believe this should be a plus because the US shares the values of democracy and freedom.
So, you have someone who was deeply involved in this democratic reform process. And then we finally have this peaceful transition of power on top of economic prosperity, and now we have real multi-party democracy. I think our US friends also share our pride in that, because over the past 50 years, there has been help and exchange between the two democratic states, the US and Taiwan.
So they feel that in a way they're also part of the process. In this sense, someone who is deeply involved in these dynamics should be a plus as a deputy representative.
TT: Does anything surprise you coming here and going to work for TECRO?
Lee: No. Through the staff meetings, we have very good communication with the ambassador and all the leadership. So, we work as a team. And we have very good personnel here. Also most of the staff have master's degrees, and are young and energetic. And they work very hard. They are mission-oriented.
TT: You have advocated a change in the name of TECRO to the Taiwan Representative Office. Can you tell us about that?
Lee: You know, TECRO, the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office, is the new name, changed from the Coordination Council of Northern American Affairs. Who can relate that name with Taiwan? TECRO is quite an improvement, but that means it is not impossible for us to upgrade the name little by little.
Even though this will not change in a very short period of time, we certainly will communicate with the administration about this. People refer to Taiwan all the time. What's wrong with Taiwan? Taiwan is a geographic location, it is the name of a beautiful island. All the media across the globe refer to Taiwan as Taiwan. So it should be fair. The name Taiwan does not necessarily mean Taiwan independence. So, some day we can hope the administration might review this. We know it will take time, but we're patient. When the time is appropriate, we will convey this message to the new administration.
TT: What are your expectations of the Bush presidency in terms of cross-strait relations and Taiwan policy generally. Specifically, for instance, your inability to discuss things directly with the US government.
Lee: We are talking about high-level exchanges. This is another area that we would like to work on.
TT: Who can you talk with now?
Lee: The Assistant Secretary of State.
TT: But not defense?
Lee: The only two departments that we have restrictions on are the Department of Defense and the State Department. As for the rest, the energy secretary visits Taipei, the transportation secretary visits Taipei. So not every Cabinet level is restricted. But we'd like first to see greater frequency, and second, to try to soften the restraints.
TT: From your meetings with these men, what are your expectations of the Bush administration in Taiwan policy?
Lee: We hope that the Bush administration appreciates that the stability and security of Taiwan are not only in the interests of Taiwan, but also in the interests of the US, Japan and the whole region. Japan is the closest, the best ally of the US. It's a very important world economy. So Japan is very important to US interests.
Taiwan is very important to Japan's interests. So in that sense, we hope that the new administration will review the policy and improve the relationship as a whole. But, specifically, I will just list a few areas: arms sales, participation in the international arena, high-level exchanges and better treatment of our senior officials like the president during their visits here. I believe, even though we can see only the assistant secretaries, I believe that sometime we will have a chance on some occasion to see more higher-ranking officials in certain circumstances. But we will not give our friends in the new administration a hard time. On the other hand, we'd like to see improvements. We feel Taiwan deserves it. We feel we have worked so hard for it.
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