Thu, Jan 20, 2000 page9

• `Saliva war' lies at the heart of democracy

  A HONG KONG JOURNALIST TAKES A LOOK AT TAIWAN'S PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN AND SEES THE POSITIVE SIDE OF THE MUD-SLINGING AND SEX AND MONEY SCANDALS; IT IS ALL PART OF GETTING THE ELECTORATE BETTER ACQUAINTED WITH ITS FUTURE LEADERS AND A GUARANTEE OF TRANSPARENCY IN THE QUEST FOR POWER

  • By Jin Zhong
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  Taiwan's presidential race had already been gathering steam even before last year's September earthquake, with public opinion polls showing independent candidate James Soong (宋楚瑜) leading the pack by a large margin, while Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and Lien Chan (連戰) trailed by at least 10 percentage points.

  At that time, a friend from Taipei told me that the "dump-save" effect would kick in if Lien's popularity failed to increase by December. Therefore, I was full of curiosity about how the campaign would develop even before my visit to Taipei that month.

  The few days of my short visit coincided with several major news events, the most shocking of which was the James Soong financial scandal.

  

  Illustration: Mountain People

  On Dec. 9, KMT legislator Yang Chi-hsiung (楊吉雄) revealed that James Soong's son Soong Chen-yuan (宋鎮遠) had more than NT$140 million in his account at the Chunghsing Bills Finance Corp (中興票券), and demanded that Soong explain the source of those funds.

  Soong's hasty response aggravated public dissatisfaction and sent his popularity ratings into a nosedive, plummeting from more than 30 percent to 24 percent within three days. During those dramatic days, I got a glimpse of how Taiwanese democracy actually works through my conversations with various people, including members of the media.

  The revelations were a turning point in the presidential race, eliminating Soong's lead and making for a close race between three major candidates: Soong, Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and Lien Chan (連戰). The popularity ratings of the three candidates are now very close, but Lien seems to be topping the list of the candidates "most likely to win."

  In whose hands is the presidency going to fall?As far as I understand it, the overwhelming response has been that Soong has lost his chance and now he is hardly able to hold his ground against the massive KMT onslaught. Nevertheless, there are still many variables and no one can predict the outcome. However, issues concerning election culture and political trends are worth discussing.

  There have been many wars of words centering on "money and sex" since John Chang (章孝嚴) resigned as KMT secretary-general over his sex scandal. Many people are describing Taiwan's election campaign as a "mud-slinging" exercise. Others said the whole thing is "too cruel." As far as I know, there are indeed Taiwanese unhappy about each side digging up the dirt on the others, but the majority are not against the "revelations." Rather, they simply hope for fairness.

  Take the Soong scandal as an example. Many pro-Soong people have demanded Soong come clean. While expressing suspicion about Yang's methods in acquiring information on the scandal, they have also shown respect for the facts that have emerged. The editor in chief of a monthly journal told me: "Of course, these attacks, the dirt they dig up, and the neglect of important national issues are all inevitable. But the electorate is fortunate in getting to know the candidates better." Some reporters said, "that political figures have to undergo all kinds of tests and challenges all the time is proof enough that Taiwan's politics is moving toward democracy. No one can hold power behind a dark curtain."

  It is easy to use the word "mudslinging" about political conflicts, but who would dare to sling mud if there is no guarantee of civil rights, or if a free press does not exist? Over the past 20 years since Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平) issued an edict to protect Mao Zedong (毛澤東), who has dared to dig up the dirt on Mao? Who would have dared to dig up the dirt on former Beijing mayor Chen Xitong (陳希同) if Jiang Zemin (江澤民) had not wanted to destroy the Beijing Gang?

  Putting the personal integrity of state leaders under the spotlight is a sign of the transparency and openness of Taiwan's democracy. The more thoroughly they are exposed, the more evident is Taiwan's self-confidence in its own system, the more it can distinguish itself from the totalitarian systems where power struggles go on behind black curtains.

  One saying currently popular among the Taiwanese is "choose the least rotten apple from the barrel." The statement sounds like an expression of impotence, but at least it is practical. Everyone knows that politicians are human and cannot be models of perfection, one can only face reality and seek gradual improvement.

  I also heard different opinions in Taipei over the issue of cruelty. One opinion is that Taiwan is a society under the rule of law, but threats of legal action made during election campaigns are often left unsettled once the elections are over. Even if someone takes an issue to court, there are laws on which proceedings can be based. There will be no indiscriminate denunciations as under authoritarian regimes, nor will the power of political parties replace the rule of law.

  Even if Soong loses the election, he will not be persecuted mercilessly. Also, contrary to what some say, Soong will not undertake a reckoning with Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) if elected. Of course, after liberalizing its politics, Taiwan will continue to witness power struggles, but it will be spared the sight of illegal persecution.

  Another opinion is that anyone who wants to enter the kitchen should not fear the heat. Those vying for the nation's highest authority and the power to dictate the fate of millions of people should have courage and be prepared to pay the price.

  There is also another explanation for the personal integrity of candidates becoming a campaign focus. The Taiwanese call the war of words between candidates the "saliva war" (口水戰). While connoting a contempt for personal attacks, the term also reflects a reality: the political platforms of candidates are no longer the main focus of the electorate and the media.

  There are perhaps two causes for this:

  One is that, despite all the abuse the candidates are heaping on each other, people already have a fairly good understanding of their candidates after watching their performance over so many years. Even though some accuse Soong of planning to sell out Taiwan or receiving Chinese funds, everyone is also aware of Soong's "anti-communist" stance. One pro-Soong friend told me: "We support Soong because he has a strong character necessary to tackle the Communist party. Lien Chan is too soft."

  Also, even though many criticize Chen Shui-bian for championing Taiwan independence, everyone also knows whose votes he is working to get. One of his three major promises has been that there will be no war in the Taiwan Strait. Therefore, we can assume that he will not actually promote Taiwan independence if elected.

  Another opinion is that Lee remains a strong factor in Taiwan politics in what scholars call the "post-Lee era." In the area of cross-strait relations, for example, Soong has not dared to openly oppose Lee's "state-to-state" model. Lien, Soong and Chen are all softer than Lee in their China policies. Therefore, relations across the Taiwan Strait cannot possibly deteriorate after the election.

  It was good that Soong's popularity ratings fell after his financial scandal, preventing Lee and Chen from resorting to more radical cross-strait policies, one writer told me.

  What he said might not be correct, but it does reflect lingering fears among Taiwanese from China's military threat in the run up to the previous presidential election.

  Soong's setback has given Chen's camp a chance to talk up its "anti-black gold" policy. Now, as seen on TV, Soong's expression is rather gloomy, while Lien appears the same "naturally decent" man as described by Hau Pei-tsun (郝柏村). Only Chen seems to be single-handedly leading the fanfare in high spirits after the Soong scandal.

  In other words, because of Lee's influence, policy differences between candidates no longer need to be as clearly differentiated. As Taiwan society integrates itself into a gemeinschaft (命運共同體), campaign tactics will inevitably return to the eternal moral issues, which often turn out to be sensational, winning the hearts of many.

  Jin Zhong (金鐘) is editor in chief of the Hong Kong-based Open Magazine.
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