In their rush to interview Jim Wallis after the British finance minister Gordon Brown's warm endorsement of his New York Times bestseller, both BBC radio and BBC TV's flagship current affairs programs (Today and Newsnight) were among those that overlooked the huge risk the UK prime-minister-in-waiting (Brown) has taken. The "special relationship" between Britain and the US may be jeopardized by his blessing of this book, for Wallis' critique both of US President George W. Bush's personal ideology and of a crucial component of his voting base is devastating.
What makes God's Politics so original is that it is written from a religious perspective, by someone who is breaking ranks with his fellow believers. Like Bush, Wallis is political, patriotic and an evange-lical, but he suggests that religion has been hijacked and distorted by the religious right. His criticism is not reserved for the right. In his call for a progressive, faith-based politics of the center, Wallis contends that the left has lost out by ignoring the religious dimension of US politics. Pointing to the impact of the civil rights movement, which was inspired by religion, he urges both right and left to think again.
The beauty and power of the book lie in the way it exposes many of the inadequacies of the Bush administration. Wallis relates how, after Sept. 11, Bush talked of a new national unity -- but then blew it with a tax bill that divided rich and poor more deeply than ever.
He dissects Bush's "theology of war" and "theology of empire," offering explanations (missed by many other commentators) of what drives the president to do what he does. And, in a blow that will really sting the religious right, he shows how far Bush's ideas stray from traditional evangelical Christianity.
It's easy to see why the book appeals to Brown: it constantly stresses personal responsibility and the need to work for economic justice, both at home and in the developing world. Wallis holds up as an exemplar the Jubilee 2000 campaign to cancel third world debt, a global movement that was inspired by a religious idea. Brown has made no secret of his high regard for this campaign and, indeed, told Wallis that he needs the churches to help to maintain the social movement to make his political goals for Africa attainable.
In a call that deserves to be heard by British Christians too, Wallis urges US churches to shift their focus from protesting about things they don't like to proposing something better. He argues that the church, like the peace movement, has failed to offer viable policy alternatives to militarism and war.
His argument is perhaps undermined by the fact that he has himself been arrested more than 20 times for civil disobedience, but he backs his call for radical thinking with concrete examples from his own work. The book is interspersed with extracts from statements, letters, advertisements and articles Wallis has written in support of his campaigns on everything from regime change in Iraq to the federal budget.
Wallis' frequent visits to the UK -- his wife is an Anglican priest from south London -- and his dealings with British politicians and campaigners mean that he has many insights to offer into political life in Britain. Especially inter-esting is his account of the run-up to the invasion of Iraq in 2003.
The doors of the White House have traditionally always been open to religious leaders, but they were slammed shut as the preparations for war progressed. As a result, Wallis came to Britain with a delegation of US church leaders to see British Prime Minister Tony Blair. They spent almost an hour with the prime minister, talking theology but also exploring other ways to remove Saddam Hussein. Wallis and his colleagues advo-cated a "third way," neither containment nor war, which later developed into a six-point plan to oust the dictator without violence.
When the members of the delegation were asked later why their own president had refused to see them, they said that someone with a messiah complex doesn't like to be challenged by religious leaders.
In getting Britain's next prime minister to endorse this important book, Wallis may have found a novel way to do just that.
While global attention is finally being focused on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) gray zone aggression against Philippine territory in the South China Sea, at the other end of the PRC’s infamous 9 dash line map, PRC vessels are conducting an identical campaign against Indonesia, most importantly in the Natuna Islands. The Natunas fall into a gray area: do the dashes at the end of the PRC “cow’s tongue” map include the islands? It’s not clear. Less well known is that they also fall into another gray area. Indonesia’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) claim and continental shelf claim are not
Since their leader Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) and others were jailed as part of several ongoing bribery investigations, the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) has risen in the polls. Additionally, despite all the many and varied allegations against Ko and most of the top people in the party, it has held together with only a tiny number of minor figures exiting. The TPP has taken some damage, but vastly less than the New Power Party (NPP) did after it was caught up in a bribery scandal in 2020. The TPP has for years registered favorability in the thirties, and a Formosa poll
Nov. 4 to Nov. 10 Apollo magazine (文星) vowed that it wouldn’t play by the rules in its first issue — a bold statement to make in 1957, when anyone could be jailed for saying the wrong thing. However, the introduction to the inaugural Nov. 5 issue also defined the magazine as a “lifestyle, literature and art” publication, and the contents were relatively tame for the first four years, writes Tao Heng-sheng (陶恒生) in “The Apollo magazine that wouldn’t play by the rules” (不按牌理出牌的文星雜誌). In 1961, the magazine changed its mission to “thought, lifestyle and art” and adopted a more critical tone with
Chiayi County is blessed with several worthwhile upland trails, not all of which I’ve hiked. A few weeks ago, I finally got around to tackling Tanghu Historic Trail (塘湖古道), a short but unusually steep route in Jhuci Township (竹崎). According to the Web site of the Alishan National Scenic Area (阿里山國家風景區), the path climbs from 308m above sea level to an elevation of 770m in just 1.58km, an average gradient of 29 percent. And unless you arrange for someone to bring you to the starting point and collect you at the other end, there’s no way to avoid a significant amount