The Punisher, a Marvel Comics crime fighter introduced in 1974, is unusual among superheroes (especially Marvel colleagues like Spiderman, the Hulk and the X-Men) for his lack of super powers. His grim, brutal crusade against sundry wrongdoers is enabled not by spider sense or superhuman strength, but by guns, military training and righteous fury.
Jonathan Hensleigh's movie version of the Punisher's origins stays true to its hero by being similarly stripped-down, efficient and mean. At a time when comic-book film adaptations have become showcases for the latest computer-assisted special effects, The Punisher is a straightforward, somewhat old-fashioned action picture, full of gunfire and hand-to-hand combat, leading to a climax in which several dozen cars explode. The only unusual gadget the hero employs is a portable fire hydrant, which may have some potential as a merchandising tie-in.
PHOTO COURTESY OF E MOVIE
In any case, The Punisher, loaded with grim, sadistic violence and more than two hours long, certainly lives up to its name. Played with unsmiling determination by Tom Jane, who exhibits none of the loose charm he showed as Mickey Mantle in 61* on HBO, the Punisher starts out as Frank Castle, a Special Forces veteran just retired from the FBI His last undercover operation resulted in the accidental death of a suspect who happens to have been the beloved son of a ruthless nightclub owner, money launderer and corporate mogul named Howard Saint.
As Saint, John Travolta, a lock of long hair perpetually threatening to fall over his eyes, basically reprises his villainous turn from the toxic Swordfish a few years back, with family feeling replacing greed as the character's primary motive for evil-doing.
Urged on by his wife (Laura Harring), Saint takes revenge on Castle by wiping out his whole extended family during a reunion in Puerto Rico.
Among the dead are Castle's wife (Samantha Mathis), father (Roy Scheider) and young son (Marcus Johns). Mother and son are shown in desperate and prolonged flight from their fates in a scene meant to emphasize the depraved cruelty of the bad guys and to justify the bloody payback that follows.
Throughout the picture, we are repeatedly invited to see just how much pleasure the Punisher's enemies -- in particular, Saint's right-hand baddie, Quentin Glass (Will Patton) -- take in inflicting pain on their victims, so that we can savor the prospect of punishment to follow. But the moral boundary that separates the Punisher -- or, for that matter, the filmmakers -- from his prey is vaporous, since his acts of vengeance match or exceed the original crimes in their grisly ingenuity.
Of course, to make such a point is to entertain nuances and distinctions for which The Punisher has no use. Its lack of subtlety is clearly a point of pride, and Hensleigh's flat-footed, hard-punching style has a blunt ferocity that makes Kill Bill look like In the Bedroom.
A few set pieces were clearly meant to have a grisly, Tarantinoesque wit; it hardly seems coincidental that the movie's coldblooded torture artiste is named Quentin. But lightness is not among Hensleigh's gifts. Making his directorial debut after a successful run as a screenwriter and producer (on projects like Die Hard With a Vengeance, Jumanji and The Rock) he has clearly conceived The Punisher as a throwback to the leathery, angry urban revenge movies of the 1970s.
In the Dirty Harry and Death Wish pictures of that era -- also the time of the Punisher's comic-book birth -- gracelessness functioned as a sign of macho integrity. The movie comes closest to honoring this tradition in its less operatic sequences (and in one that involves a wall-smashing fight scored to La donna mobile), which is also when it approaches the moodiness and eccentricity of the best Marvel comics.
The Punisher, holed up in a warehouse in a gritty part of Tampa, is befriended by his neighbors, three bohemian misfits played by Ben Foster, Jon Pinette and Rebecca Romijn-Stamos. Their quirky harmlessness and easy recognition of Castle as a fellow outsider give a touch of sweetness and humanity to a movie that is otherwise remorselessly ugly and punishingly inhumane.
Taiwan doesn’t have a lot of railways, but its network has plenty of history. The government-owned entity that last year became the Taiwan Railway Corp (TRC) has been operating trains since 1891. During the 1895-1945 period of Japanese rule, the colonial government made huge investments in rail infrastructure. The northern port city of Keelung was connected to Kaohsiung in the south. New lines appeared in Pingtung, Yilan and the Hualien-Taitung region. Railway enthusiasts exploring Taiwan will find plenty to amuse themselves. Taipei will soon gain its second rail-themed museum. Elsewhere there’s a number of endearing branch lines and rolling-stock collections, some
The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), and the country’s other political groups dare not offend religious groups, says Chen Lih-ming (陳立民), founder of the Taiwan Anti-Religion Alliance (台灣反宗教者聯盟). “It’s the same in other democracies, of course, but because political struggles in Taiwan are extraordinarily fierce, you’ll see candidates visiting several temples each day ahead of elections. That adds impetus to religion here,” says the retired college lecturer. In Japan’s most recent election, the Liberal Democratic Party lost many votes because of its ties to the Unification Church (“the Moonies”). Chen contrasts the progress made by anti-religion movements in
Could Taiwan’s democracy be at risk? There is a lot of apocalyptic commentary right now suggesting that this is the case, but it is always a conspiracy by the other guys — our side is firmly on the side of protecting democracy and always has been, unlike them! The situation is nowhere near that bleak — yet. The concern is that the power struggle between the opposition Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and their now effectively pan-blue allies the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) and the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) intensifies to the point where democratic functions start to break down. Both
This was not supposed to be an election year. The local media is billing it as the “2025 great recall era” (2025大罷免時代) or the “2025 great recall wave” (2025大罷免潮), with many now just shortening it to “great recall.” As of this writing the number of campaigns that have submitted the requisite one percent of eligible voters signatures in legislative districts is 51 — 35 targeting Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus lawmakers and 16 targeting Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) lawmakers. The pan-green side has more as they started earlier. Many recall campaigns are billing themselves as “Winter Bluebirds” after the “Bluebird Action”