On June 23, about 100,000 people braved the rain to attend the “Get lost, red media” rally organized by fitness celebrity Holger Chen (陳之漢) and New Power Party (NPP) Legislator Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) on Taipei’s Ketagalan Boulevard. A large majority of the participants were young people and it feels like Taiwan might be in for another change.
The organizers are not spiritual leaders of a big political party or some other big organization that could mobilize people. Most people went because the rally reflected their views. Young people understand that everyone is responsible for the nation’s future.
This burgeoning new youth movement is a more evolved version of the 2014 Sunflower movement, as part of that movement has been co-opted by Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) with his view that “people on the two sides of the Taiwan Strait are one family” and Kaohsiung Mayor Han Kuo-yu’s (韓國瑜) slogan “Kaohsiung will be rich.”
However, learning from reality and seeing the gradual manifestation of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government’s achievements and the deepening protests against a proposed extradition bill in Hong Kong, young Taiwanese are waking up. To them, Hong Kong is a real-life example of why they cannot be part of some Chinese family or rely on China to get rich.
There are no organized links between young people in Taiwan and Hong Kong. Seeing images of young Hong Kongers struggling against police violence was enough to arouse a response.
President Tsai Ing-wen’s (蔡英文) focus on her “smart Taiwanese cookie” image has improved her support rating, while Han and Ko are sinking in the polls. The pan-blue and pan-green camps must pay attention to the change among young voters if they want to stay relevant and take a fresh approach to new issues.
If the Sunflower movement was the change that put the DPP back in power, change in the future will consist of the younger generation cutting all ties with China’s representatives in Taiwan. The Sunflower movement was the young generation’s rejection of the cross-strait service trade agreement and closing the door on the enemy. This time it is about eliminating the Chinese Communist Party’s fifth column in Taiwan and safeguarding national security.
With the long period of party-state government in Taiwan, the influence of the old forces is deep and complex, making it difficult for the DPP’s reforms to gain traction. Still, it is clear that there is bottom-up mainstream support for reforms, so the DPP should be bolder. It should not be reckless, of course, and move forward in an orderly, step-by-step manner, but it could move a bit faster.
Han has lost momentum; Hon Hai Precision Industry Co (鴻海精密) founder Terry Gou (郭台銘) will not be able to win the young generation’s trust due to the close relationship between his wealth and China; and Ko will begin to lose the support of young people if he continues to see Taiwan and China as family.
The DPP cannot afford to be complacent, nor should the NPP push too hard. Taiwan-centered parties and groups should treasure the current situation, disregard minor differences, take advantage of the favorable international situation and work together to build a new Taiwan.
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
Translated by Perry Svensson
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,