With the global expansion of English, the use of English as a medium of instruction (EMI) has been a growing phenomenon, often tied to discourses on internationalization in the reform of higher education.
In Taiwan, the number of EMI programs has steadily increased since the government joined the WTO in 2002.
EMI has been promoted through a series of policy statements and funding schemes, such as the Challenge 2008: National Development Plan and the Aim for the Top University Project. The Higher Education Evaluation and Accreditation Council has accredited 121 programs taught in English.
Taiwanese universities regard EMI as indispensable, not only to enhance institutional academic ranking, but also to increase staff mobility, graduate employability and international student exchanges.
However, EMI’s rapid expansion faces much controversy, especially concerning the actual implementation of classroom teaching.
Depending on social and educational needs, switching the medium of instruction is not merely a matter of translation, but may involve a more complex restructuring of pedagogy, as well as modified linguistic practices.
Specifically, many academics highlight the effect of disciplinary differences on EMI, arguing that English might be suitable for teaching some subjects, but not others.
This concern is reflected in the disproportionate distribution of EMI courses across academic disciplines on the Study in Taiwan Web site, where most of the accredited EMI programs fall into engineering, technology, agriculture, fishing, medicine, and environmental studies.
Although EMI programs in business and management share a considerable proportion, those that are categorized in the social sciences and humanities only comprise approximately one-eighth of the list.
This discipline imbalance regarding EMI also drew public attention in a heated debate last year when policymakers at National Chengchi University tried to enforce regulations on the number of EMI courses that each professor, regardless of discipline, should teach.
Because the school takes pride in its leading role in the social sciences and humanities in Taiwan, a number of professors from the faculties of history, literature, and philosophy worried that using a foreign language to deliver highly complex and contextualized concepts would compromise the quality of education.
However, how can the effect of disciplinary differences on EMI be explained?
A fundamental point to acknowledge is that the language of instruction is deeply implicated in the construction and communication of meaning across disciplines.
First, knowledge is constructed differently in the sciences than in the humanities. Knowledge structures in the sciences tend to be more linear and cumulative, often operating on an agreed set of specialist terminology as well as established methods and procedures for conducting research.
By contrast, knowledge structures in the humanities are characterized as interpretive and context specific, where the focus is placed on creative thinking and fluent expression.
Because of this, linguistic demands in the humanities are heavier compared with those in the sciences, making a change in the language of instruction less welcomed.
Second, communication in different disciplines varies largely according to a discipline’s educational objectives.
For example, some subjects emphasize their contribution to the international academic community, which makes English a practical choice as the language of instruction. However, some subjects are more concerned about their connection to local society, and thus using English might not be an immediate need.
This difference in communication goals across disciplines may touch on a more important question: Is EMI necessary for all?
Imagine the nation’s future veterinarians and nurses struggling to communicate with farmers and patients because of their English-only training.
This example might seem extreme, but it could become a reality if EMI is uncritically accepted.
The promotion of EMI may differ across disciplines, depending on the respective knowledge structures and educational objectives. However, as residents of various nation-states and disciplines continue to interact and cross boundaries in the era of globalization, this does not simply mean that EMI should be advocated for some subjects and restricted from others.
There is no doubt that globalization is changing the relationship between language and learning, but as a contested concept, EMI also requires policymakers, both at the national and institutional levels, to firmly ground their decisions in additional classroom-based research.
To make the implementation of EMI pedagogically and socially just, the role of English across disciplines should be carefully explored and defined.
More specifically, within the overarching discourse of internationalization, how English enhances or constrains the effectiveness of teaching and learning must be understood.
It is time to move Taiwanese discussions on EMI beyond one with a sociopolitical focus on institutional ranking and branding to one that considers the more fundamental concerns of education.
Cindy Chang is a doctoral candidate at the University of Cambridge’s Faculty of Education.
It is almost three years since Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) and Russian President Vladimir Putin declared a friendship with “no limits” — weeks before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Since then, they have retreated from such rhetorical enthusiasm. The “no limits” language was quickly dumped, probably at Beijing’s behest. When Putin visited China in May last year, he said that he and his counterpart were “as close as brothers.” Xi more coolly called the Russian president “a good friend and a good neighbor.” China has conspicuously not reciprocated Putin’s description of it as an ally. Yet the partnership
The ancient Chinese military strategist Sun Tzu (孫子) said “know yourself and know your enemy and you will win a hundred battles.” Applied in our times, Taiwanese should know themselves and know the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) so that Taiwan will win a hundred battles and hopefully, deter the CCP. Taiwanese receive information daily about the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) threat from the Ministry of National Defense and news sources. One area that needs better understanding is which forces would the People’s Republic of China (PRC) use to impose martial law and what would be the consequences for living under PRC
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) said that he expects this year to be a year of “peace.” However, this is ironic given the actions of some KMT legislators and politicians. To push forward several amendments, they went against the principles of legislation such as substantive deliberation, and even tried to remove obstacles with violence during the third readings of the bills. Chu says that the KMT represents the public interest, accusing President William Lai (賴清德) and the Democratic Progressive Party of fighting against the opposition. After pushing through the amendments, the KMT caucus demanded that Legislative Speaker
Although former US secretary of state Mike Pompeo — known for being the most pro-Taiwan official to hold the post — is not in the second administration of US president-elect Donald Trump, he has maintained close ties with the former president and involved himself in think tank activities, giving him firsthand knowledge of the US’ national strategy. On Monday, Pompeo visited Taiwan for the fourth time, attending a Formosa Republican Association’s forum titled “Towards Permanent World Peace: The Shared Mission of the US and Taiwan.” At the event, he reaffirmed his belief in Taiwan’s democracy, liberty, human rights and independence, highlighting a