As Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Hung Hsiu-chu (洪秀柱) and the party’s vice chairmen keep criticizing each other, Acting Chairperson Lin Jung-tzer (林政則) has been criticized by the party’s Central Standing Committee for doing nothing to address the situation.
This is not entirely fair: While he might be afraid to take action within the party, he has turned to the outside world in a brave attempt to prove that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is promoting “cultural Taiwanese independence.”
The evidence he has mentioned for this so-called “cultural Taiwanese independence” is that President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) and her administration have adopted measures that amount to desinicization, such as removing the previous government’s minor adjustments to high-school curriculum guidelines, as well as references to Sun Yat-sen (孫逸仙), Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), Confucius (孔子) and the Yellow Emperor (黃帝).
When looking at what he calls evidence of desinicization, retracting the high-school curriculum guideline changes is a matter of removing mistakes and honoring the facts.
Removing references to the Yellow Emperor is a matter of removing deification, and Lin’s complaints about the removal of references to Sun, Chiang and Confucius only show that he does not understand the virtue of keeping uninformed opinions to himself.
The KMT continues to boast that Sun was a revolutionary leader who ended thousands of years of imperial rule in China, but is that not the same as saying he was the quintessential perpetrator of desinicization?
At times, “Loudmouth Sun” tried to follow the US and the UK, while at other times he preferred the Soviet Union, introducing a policy of cooperation with the USSR and tolerating the Chinese Communist Party. Removing references to Sun is not evidence of desinicization.
Chiang sent troops to suppress the 228 uprising of 1947 and instituted a highly oppressive dictatorship in Taiwan that included the White Terror era. His followers and their descendants built a big temple in his honor, placed Chiang statues everywhere and faced constant protest.
If removing references to Chiang means desinicization, then Mao Zedong (毛澤東) and his cohorts must have been dyed-in-the-wool supporters of desinicization, as they removed any sign of Chiang and were happy to import foreign Marxist-Leninist ideas lock, stock and barrel.
Anyone who has memorized the KMT regime’s textbooks knows that Confucius came from the state of Lu, that he traveled to neighboring states and that he had nothing to do with Taiwan.
In Taiwan, he is worshiped in temples where people burn incense and offer food in his name and he is seen as a symbol of academic freedom.
No protests have ever taken place at a Confucius temple and the DPP has no anti-Confucius policy in place. If removing any references to Confucius is the same as desinicization, then the leaders of China’s May Fourth movement — including former Academia Sinica president Hu Shih (胡適) — and Mao, who led the Cultural Revolution and criticized Confucius, are all guilty of desinicization.
In Taiwan, after World War II, Chiang promoted highly oppressive sinicization, but following democratization, Taiwan has adopted and integrated different cultures, naturally developing its own new format.
If this is the limit of Lin’s knowledge and logic, any pan-blue camp supporter who has read a book or two more than him should feel embarrassed on his behalf.
James Wang is a media commentator.
Translated by Perry Svensson
On Sept. 3 in Tiananmen Square, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) rolled out a parade of new weapons in PLA service that threaten Taiwan — some of that Taiwan is addressing with added and new military investments and some of which it cannot, having to rely on the initiative of allies like the United States. The CCP’s goal of replacing US leadership on the global stage was advanced by the military parade, but also by China hosting in Tianjin an August 31-Sept. 1 summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which since 2001 has specialized
In an article published by the Harvard Kennedy School, renowned historian of modern China Rana Mitter used a structured question-and-answer format to deepen the understanding of the relationship between Taiwan and China. Mitter highlights the differences between the repressive and authoritarian People’s Republic of China and the vibrant democracy that exists in Taiwan, saying that Taiwan and China “have had an interconnected relationship that has been both close and contentious at times.” However, his description of the history — before and after 1945 — contains significant flaws. First, he writes that “Taiwan was always broadly regarded by the imperial dynasties of
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) will stop at nothing to weaken Taiwan’s sovereignty, going as far as to create complete falsehoods. That the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has never ruled Taiwan is an objective fact. To refute this, Beijing has tried to assert “jurisdiction” over Taiwan, pointing to its military exercises around the nation as “proof.” That is an outright lie: If the PRC had jurisdiction over Taiwan, it could simply have issued decrees. Instead, it needs to perform a show of force around the nation to demonstrate its fantasy. Its actions prove the exact opposite of its assertions. A
A large part of the discourse about Taiwan as a sovereign, independent nation has centered on conventions of international law and international agreements between outside powers — such as between the US, UK, Russia, the Republic of China (ROC) and Japan at the end of World War II, and between the US and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) since recognition of the PRC as the sole representative of China at the UN. Internationally, the narrative on the PRC and Taiwan has changed considerably since the days of the first term of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) of the Democratic