“We should tell military personnel, public servants and teachers to stand with us and goof around as much as possible, and milk their jobs for all they are worth,” Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Evaluation and Discipline Committee director-general Chen Keng-chin (陳庚金) said in a speech lambasting the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government’s planned reform of the pension system for public-sector workers.
Chen’s proclamation appalled many people, leading former vice president and KMT chair hopeful Wu Den-yih (吳敦義) to downplay the comment by suggesting that Chen had made the remark with humorous intentions.
However, Chen’s statement may have unwittingly echoed what the KMT did in the old days of its authoritarian rule — milked the nation for all it was worth.
As far as public perception is concerned, the KMT manifested exactly what Chen’s statement described in its five-decade rule over Taiwan after retreating from China following its defeat in the Chinese Civil War in 1949.
After accepting Japanese forces’ surrender, the then-KMT regime took over properties belonging to the formal colonial government and made them part of its own assets when they should have been placed into the Republic of China government’s coffers, not to mention many private properties that were also claimed by the KMT via illegitimate means.
This was suggested in the case of Yeh Sung-jen (葉頌仁), who has claimed that the KMT in 1962 forced his father to sign a contract at gunpoint whereby it appropriated his father’s four plots of land by paying only one-tenth of the market value. A majority of the KMT’s local branch offices also occupy buildings that were originally government buildings during the Japanese colonial period.
The KMT was able to quickly amass wealth during its authoritarian rule by running business monopolies as party-run enterprises, not to mention a variety of organizations with special privileges, at the expense of the general public and national coffers, as in the case of the National Women’s League, which received huge amounts of money garnered from the so-called Military Benefit Tax, a tariff levied on the US dollar value of all imported goods from 1955 to 1989. The league now boasts a total asset valuation of NT$38.1 billion (US$1.24 billion).
It is utterly regrettable that as the nation has transformed from an authoritarian state into a democracy, there are still people like Chen who have failed to progress with the times and changing values.
Chen’s remarks, which attempted to instigate indolence — if not corruption — among civil servants, exposed his sanctimoniousness. They ought to be regarded as an insult to public-sector employees who treat their jobs as more than just the source of a monthly salary, but work with honor and devotion.
In light of Chen’s remarks, the DPP government needs to be firmer in its pursuit of reforms by proposing and amending laws that address ludicrous phenomena seen only in Taiwan, such as retired government officials being able to count their years of KMT membership toward their pension in addition to public service, and retired military officials engaging in inappropriate events in China. Only then can it win public approval and support for its reforms from grassroots public-sector workers.
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅?萁) has caused havoc with his attempts to overturn the democratic and constitutional order in the legislature. If we look at this devolution from the context of a transition to democracy from authoritarianism in a culturally Chinese sense — that of zhonghua (中華) — then we are playing witness to a servile spirit from a millennia-old form of totalitarianism that is intent on damaging the nation’s hard-won democracy. This servile spirit is ingrained in Chinese culture. About a century ago, Chinese satirist and author Lu Xun (魯迅) saw through the servile nature of
In their New York Times bestseller How Democracies Die, Harvard political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt said that democracies today “may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders. Many government efforts to subvert democracy are ‘legal,’ in the sense that they are approved by the legislature or accepted by the courts. They may even be portrayed as efforts to improve democracy — making the judiciary more efficient, combating corruption, or cleaning up the electoral process.” Moreover, the two authors observe that those who denounce such legal threats to democracy are often “dismissed as exaggerating or
Monday was the 37th anniversary of former president Chiang Ching-kuo’s (蔣經國) death. Chiang — a son of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石), who had implemented party-state rule and martial law in Taiwan — has a complicated legacy. Whether one looks at his time in power in a positive or negative light depends very much on who they are, and what their relationship with the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) is. Although toward the end of his life Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and steered Taiwan onto the path of democratization, these changes were forced upon him by internal and external pressures,
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) caucus in the Legislative Yuan has made an internal decision to freeze NT$1.8 billion (US$54.7 million) of the indigenous submarine project’s NT$2 billion budget. This means that up to 90 percent of the budget cannot be utilized. It would only be accessible if the legislature agrees to lift the freeze sometime in the future. However, for Taiwan to construct its own submarines, it must rely on foreign support for several key pieces of equipment and technology. These foreign supporters would also be forced to endure significant pressure, infiltration and influence from Beijing. In other words,
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